Therefore, the seeker after the truth is not one who studies the writings of the ancients and, following his natural disposition, puts his trust in them, but rather the one who suspects his faith in them and questions what he gathers from them, the one who submits to argument and demonstration, and not to the sayings of a human being whose nature is fraught with all kinds of imperfection and de‹ciency. Thus the duty of the man who investigates the writings of scientists, if learning the truth is his goal, is to make himself the enemy of all that he reads, and, applying his mind to the core and margins of its content, attack it from every side. He should also suspect himself as he performs his critical examination of it, so that he may avoid falling into either prejudice or leniency. (Ibn al-Haytham)1

국제정치이론 = Theory of international politics

Bien qu’elles aient ete isolees il y a plusieurs decennies, certaines formes d’amphores « puniques » restaient difficiles a apprehender en raison de leur fabrication au cours de la periode romaine. Plusieurs decouvertes recentes ont permis d’identifier la production de certains de ces conteneurs au sein de l’espace du detroit de Gibraltar, apres la seconde Guerre Punique (218-202 av. J.-C.). Face a l’importance et a la coherence de la documentation concernant ces amphores, l’archeologie espagnole les a rassemble dans un meme groupe, celui des « amphores tardo-puniques ». Pour l’heure, cinq classes de conteneurs composent ce groupe, du fait de leurs chronologies commune et d’une mixite des traits typo-morphologiques commune, entre les traditions pheniciennes du detroit, puniques et romaines. La consideration conjointe de ces types a ete corroboree par une tres large documentation, l’etude de ces amphores tardo-puniques representant un nouvel axe de recherche. Neanmoins, de nombreuses interrogations persistaient sur ce mobilier malgre ces premiers ces progres. D’une part, l’extension reelle de la production de ces conteneurs, de meme que les modalites de leur fabrication au sein du detroit – entre la Mauretanie et l’Iberie – restaient mal definies. D’autre part, les conditions et l’amplitude de leur distribution en dehors de la region du detroit representaient des aspects particulierement mal connus. Notre recherche entend constituer un large corpus de donnees archeologiques et historiques afin de tenter d’aborder ces questionnements. Pour y parvenir, un etat de la question a ete realise via le regroupement de la documentation des contextes de fabrication connus et supposes. Ensuite, une etude de plusieurs gisements sous-marins, en majorite inedits, a ete realisee afin de pouvoir observer les conditions de la circulation maritime de ces emballages. Enfin, leur place dans les reseaux d’echanges romains a ete examinee via l’etude de plusieurs sites de consommation. L’analyse approfondie de ces informations, via un cadre analytique pluridisciplinaire, a conduit a reevaluer l’importance de ces conteneurs tardo-puniques dans les reseaux d’echanges tardo-republicains, un phenomene qui est egalement distinctement associe a l’integration des elites du detroit de Gibraltar dans la « societe » romaine.

Production et diffusion des amphores tardo-puniques en Méditerranée occidentale : l’apport des contextes de la Gaule méridionale

Voordat Rome een wereldrijk stichtte, veroverde het eerst Italie. De belangrijkste militaire successen werden geboekt in de late vierde en vroege derde eeuw v. Chr., waarna Rome lange tijd de touwtjes in handen hield via een combinatie van direct bestuur en verdragen met geallieerden. In dit systeem speelden door Rome gestichte kolonies een belangrijke rol als militaire steunpunten en (grotendeels) betrouwbare bondgenoten. Dit proefschrift onderzoekt hoe deze kolonies een bijdrage leverden aan culturele veranderingen in deze formatieve periode van de Romeinse geschiedenis. In lijn met recent onderzoek bestrijdt het de visie dat de kolonies simpelweg Romeinse cultuur verspreidden. Op basis van onderzoek naar een breed spectrum aan bronmateriaal (geschreven bronnen, inscripties, munten, archeologisch materiaal) brengt het proefschift de verschillende contacten in kaart die de kolonies beinvloedden, en onderzoekt het hoe bestaande culturele modellen in de kolonies werden aangepast en nieuwe betekenissen kregen. Op deze manier wordt een dynamischer beeld van de kolonies geschetst: zij opereerden grotendeels zelfstandig in een complexe culturele wereld, en leverden op die manier een actieve bijdrage aan de culturele vorming van Italie onder de heerschappij van Rome.

/pdf/latin-colonization-in-italy-before-the-end-of-the-second-5d9rrrlqvm.pdf

Latin colonization in Italy before the end of the Second Punic War Colonial communities and cultural change

1. Introduction 2. Apulia 3. Campania 4. Bruttium and Western Magna Graecia 5. Southern Lucania and Eastern Magna Graecia 6. The Roman re-conquest of Southern Italy 7. Conclusions Appendix A. The war in Samnium, 217-209 Appendix B. Chronology of events in Bruttium, 215 Appendix C. Chronology of events from the defection of Taras through the defection of Thurii, 213-212 Appendix D. Defection of the Southern Lucanians, 212.

Between Rome and Carthage: Southern Italy during the Second Punic War

La Segunda Guerra Púnica en la península ibérica: Baecula : arqueología de una batalla

^ ampania, from the revolt of Capua in 216 to its surrender to the Romans in 211, was a decisive theatre of the Second Punic War.1 For Hannibal, the region would showcase his Italian strategy of eliciting allied revolts.2 He was able to win over the most important city in Campania, Capua, as well as a number of smaller towns. Moreover, Capua possessed civitas sine suffragio, so Hannibal did not just win over mere Roman allies, but rather at least partial Roman citizens. He also captured an important stronghold where the Via Appia crossed the Volturnus River (at Casilinum), setting up the potential to march north to Latium. Even at the height of his power, however, Hannibal achieved only partial success, as a number of Campanian cities (including Naples, Cumae, and Nola) remained loyal to Rome. Meanwhile, the Romans committed vast resources, usually four or six legions, to hold the line in Campania. Upon its recapture Capua's punishment was severe, and Hannibal's ultimate failure to defend the city undermined his legitimacy with his remaining Italian allies, thereby marking a major turning point in the war.3 But why did Capua rebel in the first place? And if Hannibal could win over the Capuans, why was his diplomacy not more successful? The answers to these questions reveal much about why the Romans prevailed in the Second Punic War and, more broadly, about the nature of Roman control in Italy. We are fortunate to possess a good deal of ancient evidence concerning Campanian affairs in the Second Punic War, including Livy s detailed narrative of Capuan politics and decision-making in the wake of Cannae (23.2-10). Livy posits a number of factors that contributed to the Capuan decision to revolt, the most important of which is that the "masses," led by a popular leader, were naturally inclined toward the Carthaginian cause while the Capuan nobilitas tried to remain loyal to Rome. Livy s second reason is that the Capuans were motivated by pride to make their city the equal of Rome, if not the master of Italy. Scholars have generally disregarded much of Livy s analysis as pro-Roman chauvinism that

Hegemony and rivalry: the revolt of capua revisited

Livy 9.20 and Early Roman Imperialism in Apulia

The Italiote League and southern Italy

Hannibal: Tactics, Strategy, and Geostrategy

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