This article investigates how variation across different levels of linguistic structure indexes ideological alignments in political talk. We analyse two political speeches by Ed Miliband, the former leader of the UK Labour Party, with a focus on the use of /t/-glottalling and the types of verb processes that co-occur with the pronouns we and you. We find substantial differences in the production of /t/ between the two speeches in words such as Britain and government, which have been argued to take on particular salience in British political discourse. We contextualise these findings in terms of metalinguistic discourse surrounding Miliband's language use, as well as how he positions himself in relation to different audiences via verb process types. We show that phonetic variation, subject types, and verb processes work synergistically in allowing Miliband to establish a political persona that is sensitive to ideological differences between different audiences. (Social meaning, indexicality, political discourse, verb processes, phonetic variation, /t/-glottalling)*

/pdf/constructing-social-meaning-in-political-discourse-phonetic-4t5fc3ikaq.pdf

Constructing social meaning in political discourse:phonetic variation and verb processes in Ed Miliband's speeches

The “Arab Spring,” as the revolutions in some Arab countries were called by the international media, was triggered by the “Jasmine Revolt” in Tunisia, which provoked a domino effect to some Arab leaders, starting from Tunisia and spreading to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria, etc. Using the insights of cognitive-pragmatics, the current article shows how the last three speeches of Husni Mubarak, the demised president of Egypt (DPE), framed the revolution in Egypt and filled person deixis. In particular, the article argues that, from the antepenultimate to the ultimate speech, the DPE, unlike his Tunisian counterpart, made little change to the initial framing of the revolution in Egypt as a strategy to maintain the sociopolitical situation as it was. As transpires from the lexical items environing person deixis, the DPE filled it with cognitive content which prevented him from coming any closer to a pragmatic rapprochement to the Egyptian people.

/pdf/framing-and-manipulation-of-person-deixis-in-hosni-mubarak-s-31433d00h7.pdf

Framing and manipulation of person deixis in Hosni Mubarak’s last three speeches: A cognitive-pragmatic approach

Cartel de la Revista Estudios del Discurso La revista electronica  Estudios del Discurso es una publicacion semestral de acceso abierto, de la Universidad Autonoma del Estado de Morelos. Nuestros contenidos nacen de un abordaje interdisciplinario y tienen como objetivo esencial dar a conocer los resultados originales de la investigacion relacionada con el discurso desde los puntos de vista literario, linguistico, filosofico e historico, con perspectivas teoricas y metodologicas diversas. Lo invitamos a este espacio de encuentro entre investigadores del discurso en el que se favorece la comunicacion entre autores y lectores. Estudios del Discurso es una publicacion semestral de acceso abierto incluida en PKP Index, Directorio Latindex y Red Iberoamericana de Innovacion y Conocimiento.

Estudios del Discurso



 National Identity is a discursively constructed complex entity which can reshape an image of a nation. Even one person powerful enough to be a representative of the whole nation can promote a collective sense of nationality/patriotism and sovereignty of the country in line with social, historical, or most importantly, a versatile geopolitical context. The present study is an illustration of how lexical choices of a particular political figure – the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelenskyy – identified by specific corpus linguistic research tools in the discourse, defines and emphasizes a national integrity during the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Corpus-based Critical Discourse Analysis is applied to investigate how a prominent Ukrainian political figure – Volodymyr Zelenskyy discursively constructs national identity in the context of the 2022 Russia-Ukraine war. The research is based on the linguistic scrutiny of presidential video addresses, which are stored at the official presidential website and transcribed in English.

National identity revisited

The current article addresses person deixis in the last three speeches of the ousted president of Tunisia (OPT) from the perspectives of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and cognitive-pragmatics. ...

The ‘Jasmine Revolt’ has made the ‘Arab Spring’: A critical discourse analysis of the last three political speeches of the ousted president of Tunisia

In his trademark speeches, Fidel Castro casts himself in a variety of roles: supreme leader, member of government, revolutionary, worker, member of the Cuban populace, and the embodiment of the Cuban nation. Transcripts of Castro’s major speeches provide a rich data set that spans five decades (1959-present). Initial readings reveal his prominent use of the first person plural "nosotros", which suggests an intriguing discourse of inclusiveness for this long-time authoritarian leader. In this poster, we identify Castro’s variable discursive referents for nosotros verbs in relation to era and topic of speech (i.e., history of the revolution, national goals and progress, or trouble talk). Variable rule analysis shows that in Castro’s earlier speeches, use of the "royal we" variant is favored: "Llamabamos al Partido por la noche, y le preguntabamos si habia llovido o no" ("We called the Party the other night, and we asked if it had rained or not"). In contrast, the use of what we term the "collective we" is favored most heavily in speeches after the fall of the Soviet Union: "No estamos produciendo para los burgueses, estamos produciendo para el pueblo" ("We’re not producing for the bourgeoisie, we’re producing for the people"). The variation we encounter reflects Castro’s positioning of self relative to the people he is addressing. Castro, as leader of the perpetual revolutionary state, ostensibly erases the possibility of a public sphere existing apart from the government by constructing "what the public thinks/expresses/wants" as "what the government [naturally] does." This is as we might expect in a Marxist "dictatorship of the proletariat." Castro, however, achieves this conflation of public sphere and public authority in two ways in his speeches: first, he relocates public authority outside of the immediate social context, so that the role played by the Cuban public and the revolutionary government is one and the same when viewed in opposition to Yankee imperialism or memories of the Batista regime, for example. Second, by including himself in nosotros talk about workers and revolutionaries while standing over and addressing the Cuban public, Castro projects himself into the crowd. The effect of such talk is to offer an answer to the question, "Who mediates between the private sphere and the government in a socialist society where each one is identified with the other?" Castro proposes himself as the answer; he, not any autonomous, Habermasian sphere of rational debate, mediates between people’s private lives and the actions of state authority. Thus, what we term a "personal public sphere" provides a context for understanding the pattern of variation we observe in Castro’s speeches.

/pdf/castro-s-shifters-locating-variation-in-political-discourse-2xg49xq6ae.pdf

Castro's Shifters: Locating Variation in Political Discourse

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Castro's Shifters: Locating Variation in Political Discourse