http://academic.oup.com/nq/article-pdf/183/6/166/19979555/166-a.pdf

Memoirs of the life of Colonel Hutchinson

This dissertation examines Anna of Denmark???s (1574-1619) importance as a cultural agent and political figure at the Jacobean court (1603-1619). Using previously untapped archival material, it builds on existing scholarship to provide a more comprehensive and systematic analysis of the nature and significance of Anna???s intellectual and cultural pursuits. Encompassing the visual arts, material culture, patronage, collecting, and architecture, this study offers a multi-disciplinary approach that accords Anna greater relevance to Jacobean politics than is generally ceded. To achieve this, this thesis analyses Anna???s visual persona in miniature and in large, her purchase and use of clothing and jewellery, her architectural choices and garden projects, and the layout and decoration of her three main residences: Somerset (Denmark) House, Greenwich Palace, and Oatlands Palace. In so doing, it moves beyond narrow models that have traditionally focussed on the person who paid for items, circumventing the male privilege of financial control and distribution in the period. This thesis demonstrates how Anna marshalled the portrait arts, material goods, interior furnishings, buildings, and garden structures to illustrate elements of her familial, cultural, and socio-political identity, which often diverged from that of her husband, King James VI and I (1566-1625). This study examines how Anna negotiated a position of cultural and factional difference from James. In contrast to the work of Clare McManus, Karen Hearn, and Barbara Lewalski, however, this study does not concede that Anna was ever ???estranged??? from her husband. Rather, it acknowledges the inconclusive evidence surrounding the nature of Anna???s political relationship to James. It highlights areas of their continued joint politicking and draws attention to the absence of any documented rift or hostility between the royal couple. It argues that Anna???s ability to secure a degree of separation from James was facilitated by the structure of the court, together with her strong support of the monarchy, and her alliance with James in key areas of policy. This is most evident in her determination to uphold a certain equivocacy about her confessional identity, which this thesis argues was of significant political benefit to James. It is further illustrated by her advantageous politicking in the Stuarts??? attempt to broker a marriage alliance with the Habsburgs. It contends that Anna???s complex balancing act should be read as one example of her political intelligence. Additionally, it is argued that it should be seen as a result of the political and cultural polycentricism of the Jacobean court, which historians Malcolm Smuts, Linda Levy Peck, and Pauline Croft have identified as one of its defining characteristics. By analysing an array of Anna???s cultural activities, locating them within the socio-political milieu of the Jacobean court, and sustaining all discussions with untapped archival research, this thesis presents a more comprehensive view of the Stuart…

Anna of Denmark and the Arts in Jacobean England

.............................................................................................................................. ii Acknowledgments.............................................................................................................. ii

"Fellowship of sense with all that breathes": Eighteenth-Century British Women Poets, War, and the Environment

We study the emergence of urban self-governance during the Commercial Revolution in the 12th- 13th century and show that municipal autonomy shaped national institutions over the subsequent centuries. We focus on England after the Norman Conquest of 1066 and build a novel comprehensive dataset of 554 Medieval towns (boroughs). We show that merchant towns were particularly likely to obtain Farm Grants – the right of self-governed tax collection and law enforcement. We present evidence that self-governance, in turn, fostered enfranchisement: Farm Grant towns were much more likely to be summoned directly to the Medieval English Parliament than otherwise similar towns. We also show that self-governed towns strengthened the role of Parliament: They resisted royal attempts to introduce patronage and maintained broader voting rights; they also raised troops to back Parliament against the king during the Civil War in 1642, and they supported the modernization of Parliament during the Great Reform Act of 1832. Finally, we compare England’s institutional path to Continental Europe and discuss the conditions under which urban self-governance fosters institutional development at a higher level.

/pdf/how-merchant-towns-shaped-parliaments-from-the-norman-1ccijwyqmb.pdf

How Merchant Towns Shaped Parliaments: From the Norman Conquest of England to the Great Reform Act

In the violence over Protestant marches in Northern Ireland in the late 1990s much of the debate centered on two towns, Portadown and Drumcree. Students of seventeenth-century Irish history will note that those towns were sites of some of the most infamous stories of rebel atrocities in the 1641 uprising. The continuity of such images reinforces the notion that ethnic and religious conflicts are immutable and perhaps inevitable. A certain fatalism surrounds the acrimony of Arab and Jew, Muslim and Christian, English and Irish arising from the conviction that such conflicts have raged, as if unchanging, over centuries. However, when viewed over time, the struggles between such groups are dynamic rather than static and have helped construct how each group sees the other and how it identifies itself. In the dynamism surrounding Anglo-Irish relations a number of important turning points can be identified. One of the most important is of course the seventeenth century, particularly the 1641 uprising. More than thirty years ago W. D. Love noted how for three centuries Irish historiography and Anglo-Irish intercourse had been molded by the events of the mid-seventeenth century and had compelled historians to support or deny the charges made by each side about the events of the 1640s. In trying to understand the searing nature of those events, and how they came to frame political as well as historical debates from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, a number of historians have noted the importance of Sir John Temple and his propagan distic piece, The Irish Rebellion. Temple's work offered not just an interpretation of the 1641 uprising but a portrait of the two peoples, English and Irish, as basically and permanently incompatible—a thesis that has had remarkable staying power. Published in 1646, Temple's work was a departure from the Tudor and early Stuart canon on Ireland. While Temple borrowed much from earlier commentators such as Edmund Spenser and Sir John Davies, his analysis differed from them and set out in a new direction by defining the Irish as ethnically distinct. Spenser and Davies suggested that the problem of Ireland arose not from the land, or even its people (although Spenser devoted considerable discussion to the ways Irish customs undermined English success), but from foolhardy or poorly executed English policy. Even though the late Tudor and early Stuart commentators saw the Irish as barbaric, the Irish were thought to be amenable to the benefits of English culture and rule, although their reformation might require draconian measures. Even the divisive issue of religion was not thought insurmountable. Davies and Spenser argued that a religious reformation begun after peace and stability had been secured in Ireland would succeed. In contrast, Temple viewed the 1641 revolt as conclusive evidence that the Irish were irredeemable and posed a deadly threat to England and its people.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/4054214.pdf

"Martyrs in Flames": Sir John Temple and the Conception of the Irish in English Martyrologies*

God's Fury, England's Fire: A New History of the English Civil Wars

IntroductionAs a historian of her own times, Lucy Hutchinson was shrewd enough to acknowledge that the warfare which comprises a major part of the memoir of her husband Colonel John Hutchinson was not simply an English Civil War. When she dealt with the first reverberations of the conflict which was then about engulf her family, she wrote:about the yeare 1639 the thunder was heard afarre of ratling in the troubled ayre, and even the most obscured woods were penetrated with some flashes, the forerunners of the dreadfull storme which the next yeare was more apparent.In writing this Lucy dated the beginning of the fall of the Stuart monarchy to 1639 - the year of the first Bishop's War.2 No doubt she and John, who seem, according to her account of the period some two years later, to have read newsbooks and discussed contemporary affairs together, were well aware that the trouble had begun two tumultuous years preceding the almost farcical first war in the four nations. The warning signs had been there even earlier when Charles I stage-managed his belated Scottish coronation in a way which symbolically turned the clock back to before the early-fourteenth-century Declaration of Arbroath by openly giving precedence to officials of the Church of England over the men of the Kirk. Serious trouble had begun in 1637 when the attempt to introduce a new prayer book, based upon the English Book of Common Prayer, into Scotland had provoked violence. This policy had firstly caused riots, and then secondly inspired the drafting of, and even more importantly, the mass subscription to a National Covenant creating a bond between the Scottish people and God in defence of the Kirk against the king's aggression. The king's provocative reaction in not seeking a compromise and being openly aggressive had pushed the Scots further. By the summer of 1639 the storm Lucy had alluded to had actually been underway for some time: by then Scotland had formed a new political structure and an executive which had not only circumvented the king in church and state but was able to manage a war effort to challenge him militarily. Mutual aggression led to the first war in the British Isles since the Nine Years' War and was later named by the victors after the archbishop of Canterbury, William Laud and his fellow Episcopalians both sides of the border: as the Bishops' War.Lucy's broad vision was not limited to her understanding that the war which broke out in England in 1642 had origins which lay beyond England's border; like her contemporary fellow historian, the royalist politician Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, she acknowledged that the war was an affair which absorbed the entirety of the British Isles. In her background narrative, Hutchinson spent some space in her text dealing with the three initial conflicts within the archipelagic-wide war which preceded the direct involvement of her husband and herself. The First Bishops' War of 1639 was brief and involved the English forces being chased ignominiously out of Scotland and a more serious fight between Scottish covenanters and anti-covenanters outside Aberdeen at the Bridge of Dee, which ironically occurred during the peace negotiations being held at Berwick upon Tweed. A second Bishops' War in 1640 was a more deadly and involved the Scottish Army of the Covenant invading England, defeating the king's forces and occupying northeast England for a year. The third war in the sequence sprang from the rebellion in Ireland which began on the night of 22 October 1641 and involved a rapidly developing crisis for the Dublin administration. An alternative national Irish government was established in Kilkenny which managed a structured war-effort that challenged armies sent from England, Wales and Scotland. It was this latter war which more than any other formed the backdrop to the Lucy and John's decision to throw themselves into the coming war against their king. The war in Ireland created an atmosphere of fear in Britain where the newly invigorated press and rapidly spreading rumours inspired a genuine fear that there was an imminent threat of an invasion by Roman Catholic forces from Ireland. …

/pdf/every-county-had-more-or-lesse-the-civill-warre-within-it-3b8ghlxxm8.pdf

"Every County Had More or Lesse the Civill Warre within It Selfe" 1: The Realities of War in Lucy Hutchinson's Midland Shires

Kingdoms in Crisis: Ireland in the 1640s

The English Revolution and the Wars in the Three Kingdoms, 1638-1652

Authorship and Authority: The Writings of James VI and I

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