Leadership in Social Movements

This article examines organizational affiliations of 19th-century women reform leaders in New York State as a case study of relations among social movements. Network analysis techniques are used for the construction of matrices that (1) map the interconnections between organizations, (2) measure the intensity and directionality of those interconnections, (3) illuminate clusters of proximate organizations, and (4) identify groups central to the clusters. The matrices show the primacy of suffrage and women's rights to reform activity during the period under study (1840-1914). Peak analysis finds important clusters of relations organized around the Women's Trade Union League,Garrisonian abolitionism, and Sorosis. Finally, directional analysis shows that women's organizing efforts can be divided into three distinct periods of activity between 1840 and 1914, with significant changes in the relations among organizations from period to period. The conclusion discusses the theoretical implications of these findings.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2780088.pdf

Social Movements and Network Analysis: A Case Study of Nineteenth-Century Women's Reform in New York State

The desire to overcome the alienated labor of capitalism manifests itself in the daily actions of people everywhere. John Holloway argues that social movements must build upon this liberatory impulse, challenging not only the rate of exploitation but also workers’ loss of control over the process of production and allocation (and, by implication, the loss of control in other arenas of life). Revolutionary change, in turn, will result from these movements creating thousands of ‘cracks’ in the capitalist system by asserting alternative ways of living. Holloway’s argument for prefigurative movements is ambiguous on several points, however: the role of political organizations, the role of alternative institutions, and the appropriate approach of social movements to the state. We propose some friendly amendments, placing greater emphasis on the need for strong political organizations and counter-institutions, but also for selective engagement with dominant institutions. A revolutionary strategy must combine the construction of prefigurative counterinstitutions with struggles for reform of existing structures. Yet the dangers of oligarchization and hierarchy within movements are very real, and thus there is a need for structures that are ruthlessly democratic and ideologies that are explicitly intersectional in their approach to fighting different forms of oppression.

Can prefigurative politics prevail?The implications for movement strategy in John Holloway's Crack Capitalism

This paperback reissue will replace the trade paperback edition (GB 102) which is now discontinued. Southern Populist leader Thomas E. Watson was a figure alternately eminent and notorious. Born before the Civil War, he lived through the turn of the century and past the close of the First World War, pursuing his career in an era as changing and paradoxical as himself. In the 19th century, Watson championed the rising Populist movement, an interracial alliance of agricultural interests, against the irresistible forces of industrial capitalism. The movement was broken under the wheels of the industrial political machine, but survived into the 20th century in various \"fantastic shapes ...to be understood mainly by the psychology of frustration'. Political frustration transformed Watson as well, from liberal to racial bigot and from popular spokesman to mob leader. In this biography, through careful study of public and private writings, and through objective and tolerant exposition, Mr. Woodward has attempted to solve the enigma of this man who did much to alter his times and who was, in turn altered by them.

Tom Watson, Agrarian Rebel

Leadership has proven a difficult concept to define, with the proliferation of definitions of leadership being more notable than any individual definition. This article takes a different approach to understanding leadership dynamics by identifying and studying “leading tasks.” Specifically, tasks associated with leadership in existing research are enumerated. Using data on two “strategic voting” mobilizations in 2000 and 2004, the empirical salience of various leading tasks to key organizers is traced and explained. The data suggest that although leadership was not evident in strategic voting, organizers did identify, prioritize, and take action on specific leading tasks.

Leading Tasks in a Leaderless Movement The Case of Strategic Voting

We examine the conflict between leaders and members in protest organizations and challenge Robert Michels' argument that both oligarchy and goal displacement are inevitable in such settings. An examination of protest organizations shows there is often conflict between the interests of membership, the needs of leadership and the requirements for organizational permanence. Our study of the Southern Farmers' Alliance shows that the leadership's pursuit of its own interests contributed to both the rejection of a potentially successful reform program and the demise of the organization itself.

Leader-Member Conflict in Protest Organizations: The Case of the Southern Farmers' Alliance

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Leader-Member Conflict in Protest Organizations: The Case of the Southern Farmers' Alliance