The link between family structure and the changing economic well-being of American children since 1960 is examined using child records from the 1960, 1970, and 1980 Public Use Microdata Sample, andfrom the 1988 March Current Population Survey. We find that: (1) childpoverty rates would have been one-third less in 1988 iffamily structure had not changed since 1960; (2) changingfamily structure accountedfor nearly 50 percent of the increase in child poverty rates since 1980; (3) changing maternal employment patterns placed significant downward pressure on child poverty from 1960 to 1988, but could not prevent the overall rise in child poverty during the 1980s; (4) racial divergence in family structure since 1960 exacerbated the persistent black-white differences in children's economic status; (5) racial differences in parental work patterns since 1960 acted to reduce racial differences in child poverty; and (6) that changing family-size differentials between poor and nonpoor households exerted upward pressure on child poverty rates, especially among whites. Our results reinforce the view that child poverty and racial inequality cannot be separatedfrom the issue of changing family structure in America.

Race, Family Structure, and Changing Poverty among American Children.

The recent battle reported from Washington about proposed national testing program does not tell the most important political story about high stakes tests. Politically popular school accountability systems in many states already revolve around statistical results of testing with high-stakes environments. The future of high stakes tests thus does not depend on what happens on Capitol Hill. Rather, the existence of tests depends largely on the political culture of published test results. Most critics of high-stakes testing do not talk about that culture, however. They typically focus on the practice legacy of testing, the ways in which testing creates perverse incentives against good teaching. More important may be the political legacy, or how testing defines legitimate discussion about school politics. The consequence of statistical accountability systems will be the narrowing of purpose for schools, impatience with reform, and the continuing erosion of political support for publicly funded schools. Dissent from the high-stakes accountability regime that has developed around standardized testing, including proposals for professionalism and performance assessment, commonly fails to consider these political legacies. Alternatives to standardized testing which do not also connect schooling with the public at large will not be politically viable.

/pdf/the-political-legacy-of-school-accountability-systems-28m2munt2v.pdf

The Political Legacy of School Accountability Systems

Social Welfare: A History of the American Response to Need. June Axinn , Herman Levin

The authors of this article examine the relationship between social factors and low birth weight and the ways in which disparities in socioeconomic status have been addressed over time. The evidence regarding the effectiveness of various efforts to influence birth weight by mitigating the consequences of disadvantage are also assessed. Low socioeconomic status has been shown to influence low birth weight through its various correlates. Historically and today, most programs and policies directed at low birth weight prevention attempt to address the individual health consequences of economic and social disadvantage. By and large, these efforts have produced mixed results. Efforts to affect low birth weight by addressing the underlying causes of social and economic disadvantage have been similarly inconclusive, reflecting the paucity of research on the subject, as well as the historical and ongoing failure to make the research link between health and social policy. The authors argue that reducing persistent disparities in low birth weight requires several steps, including embracing a broader definition of health which incorporates social dimensions, recasting the focus of research and interventions from pregnancy outcomes and infant health exclusively to include the notion of women's health more globally, expanding the research agenda to unravel the paradox of socioeconomic factors and health, and pursuing a dedicated, national commitment to assuring adequate support to individuals and families, including both adequate income and health care.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/1602509

The role of social change in preventing low birth weight.

Between 2008 and 2009, the world’s economy collapsed. Although the epicentre of this global shock was located in the US sub-prime mortgage market, many European countries were amongst the hardest hit, suffering GDP losses unrecorded since the Oil crisis of the early 1970s (see Chapter 1 in this book). The impact of recession has been particularly sore in Euro-zone peripheral economies that experienced a real state bubble (i.e. Spain, Ireland, Greece), irresponsible banking practices (i.e. Iceland, Ireland, Spain) and/or decades-long governmental over-expending (i.e. Greece, Italy, Portugal). Unable to sustain their public finances, the governments of Greece, Ireland and Portugal drew on IMF and EU full bailout packages in 2010 and 2011, whilst Spain requested a special Eurozone bailout to finance its teetering banking system in June 2012 (Spiegel and Mallet 2012). Exceptional actions to sustain national banking sectors were undertaken by many other governments across Europe. These actions have soon been followed by equally extraordinary measures to contain mounting public deficits. Due to the unprecedented severity of the global crisis originated in 2008-2009, many have dubbed it as the Great Recession.

Economic Crisis, Political Legitimacy, and Social Cohesion

Social Welfare: A History of the American Response to Need

Low-income women and the welfare system are under attack by liberals and conservatives, academicians and politicians. “Welfare reform” proposals include cutting benefits unless women pay rent, bear...

Welfare and the “Reform” of Women:

Dependency and Poverty: Old Problems in a New World

nomic growth and expanded social welfare spending led to further decline and, by 1969 the poverty rate had dropped to 12 percent.1 Since the early 1970s, however, social welfare expenditures have not been as effective in controlling poverty. Although the poverty rate for some groups—partic ularly the aged—continued to decline, by the end of the decade the overall poverty rate had begun to rise; by 1983 it had ex ceeded 15 percent. Since the Great Depression, there have been major changes in our economy and in our social organization. Manufacturing employment has declined as our economy has become more service-based. The stable, two-parent nuclear family has been increasingly replaced by the single-parent family and the population has aged. The changes in our economy and in our social organization have had dramatic effects upon the economic situation of women, especially in the postindustrial welfare state. Despite the rapid change in status of women in the economy, their status in the social welfare system has changed less quickly. Women often still are viewed as homemakers by the welfare system. Pro grams such as the social security survivor's benefits and Aid to Families with Depen dent Children are based on a woman's traditional role as wife and mother. With the exception of the recent debate over "earnings-sharing," little action has been taken to recognize the changed economic role of women in the social welfare system. In 1986, the Reagan Administration em barked on a new campaign for welfare reform. Like its predecessors—Nixon's Family Assistance Plan and Carter's Bet June Axinn Mark J. Stern

Women and the Postindustrial Welfare State

Optimizing Social Policy for Families

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