To study the operational behaviour of λ-terms, we will use the denotational (mathematical) approach. A denotational semantics for a language is based on the choice of a space of semantics values, or denotations, where terms are to be interpreted. Choosing a space with nice mathematical properties can help in proving the semantic properties of terms, since to this aim standard mathematical techniques can be used.

λ Δ -Models

Primitive Social Organization: An Evolutionary Perspective.

he genesis of this volume lies in a faculty seminar, \"History and Historians of the Ancient Near East,\" at the University of Toronto during 1974-75. Two contributions to the seminar were published in Orientalia 49 (Grayson 1980; Hoffner 1980), one in Orientalia 50 (Van Seters 1981), and one awaits publication (Redford, in press). In this book, Van Seters attempts to utilize the yeomanly work of his former colleagues to determine when history came into existence. In many ways this volume is an elaborate response to them at those points where their definitions, interpretations, and conclusions challenged or by implication contradicted his as set forth in Van Seters, 1981. It is also an elaborate defense and re-presentation of his hypothesis for the late exilic dating of the biblical Yahwist, which has generally been rejected (Van Seters 1975: 267, 269, 292-93, 304-8, 310-11). The form of his response in this volume constitutes, perhaps, the most ambitious and most important comprehensive study to date of ancient Near Eastern historiography undertaken by an individual.

In Search of History: Historiography in the Ancient World and the Origins of Biblical History

The Maya Scribe and His World

The Ancient Maya by Sylvanus Morley, George W. Brainerd; Coatlicue: Estética del Arte Indígena Antiguo by Justino Fernández; Mezcala by Miguel Covarrubias; Abstract Art before Columbus by Dore Ashton

A “table altar,” perhaps one described by Cabrera (1822) almost 200 years ago and since unreported, is the only complete example of a class of four-legged sculptures known at present from Kaminaljuyu. Iconographic similarities between the monument and sculptures from southern piedmont and coastal centers and comparisons with other Kaminaljuyu sculptures suggest an early Late Preclassic date (Late Verbena-Early Arenal, approximately 300-200 B.C.). According to depictions on other southern-area monuments many “table altars” were formal, emblematic seats for rulers, or thrones, which had specific ideologies associated with them Review of monuments, including identification as a four-legged throne of the well-known sculpture, Stela 10, numbers the Kaminaljuyu corpus of thrones to date at a minimum of seven. The presence of thrones as a sculptural class at Kaminaljuyu in the Late Preclassic period provides more evidence of a long throne tradition reaching from Olmec times through the Maya Classic and into the Postclassic. Kaminaljuyu's thrones conceivably also add to other evidence of complex sociopolitics at the city during the Late Preclassic.

The Incienso Throne and Other Thrones From Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala. Late Preclassic examples of a Mesoamerican throne tradition

Monument 65, thus far the largest sculpture discovered from the almost completely destroyed site of Kaminaljuyu, has much to tell us about the enigma of this ancient city. Carvings on two sides of the flat tablet resonate with the most sacred concepts of the “Miraflores” people of Late Preclassic Kaminaljuyu. Partly because of the highly problematical picture further field archaeology can provide of Kaminaljuyu—a picture already problematical—but also because of the inherent value of a comparative orientation, I employ an explicitly comparative approach in order to speculate about the ideology encoded on the monument. According to such a comparative perspective, the depictions identify Kaminaljuyu rulers as conventional world- or cosmos-creators and sustainers, functions realized by the sacrifices of royal proxy victims or “twins” of the ruler. The captive scenes, shown on Side A, represent the duality of rulership expressed in a twinship of first, immortal “priest” or administrator—the ruler in his religious role—sacrificing a victim representing a first ideal man or “king,” and, by virtue of this, representing the ever-dying or magical fertility of the polity. On Side B, the creation seems to be manifested or metaphorized by the axis mundi.

MONUMENT 65: A great emblematic depiction of throned rule and royal sacrifice at Late Preclassic Kaminaljuyu

My Perfect One: Typology and Early Rabbinic Interpretation of Song of Songs

The prophet Samuel's declaration of משפט המלך to the assembled Israelites in 1 Sam 8:11-18 has generally been understood in the history of scholarship as a cat alogue of monarchic excess. Scholarly interpretations of this passage enumerate various literary parallels found in both biblical and nonbiblical texts. These pur ported parallels include memories of the reign of Solomon by a later writer, descrip tions of Canaanite royal practices preceding the start of the Israelite monarchy, and accounts of Assyrian royal behaviors close in time to the composition and redac tion of the Deuteronomistic History (DtrH). This article shifts focus away from charting specific literary parallels to 1 Sam 8:11-18 in other ancient Near Eastern texts. I argue instead that 1 Sam 8:11-18 takes inspiration from a diverse group of literary materials and rituals designed to constrain monarchic power, the excesses of which brought ruin on cult and country. These diverse materials range from the Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel to priestly rituals that are part of the Babylonian New Year festival. Together they constitute a "genre of discourse," a term coined by Tzvetan Todorov to describe how diverse literary and nonliterary materials can

1 Samuel 8:11-18 as "A Mirror for Princes"

\n The origin of the interpretation of Song of Songs as a description of God’s relationship with God’s beloved community has been a persistent question in the work’s history of interpretation. Earlier scholarship has provided a number of possible solutions to this problem, none of them conclusive. This article offers another possible answer: the language and imagery of the Northwest Semitic combat myth in Song 8:6-7, which identifies love with Yhwh as the victorious divine warrior, triggers the work’s interpretation as a divine love song. This argument receives support from some of the earliest allusions to Song of Songs in Revelation, which interpret Song of Songs in the context of apocalyptic discourse that likewise draws heavily on the combat myth.

How Song of Songs Became a Divine Love Song

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