This paper investigates the significance of everyday intercultural social practice enacted in the mundane sites of young people's daily life to the development of new research directions for multicultural youth studies. It explores the idea of everyday multiculturalism as an appropriate analytical approach for understanding the ways that young people deal with cultural difference in conditions of super-diversity. It considers how this approach gives descriptive and explanatory priority to sites and literacies such as everyday neighbourhood locales, vernacular expressions and popular culture that form an important part of young people's ‘habitus’, and provides insight into how struggles over the decentring of whiteness from the national imaginary occur in quotidian ways.

Shifting the boundaries of cultural spaces: young people and everyday multiculturalism

This thesis is the conclusion of doctoral research that pursued to examine whether indigenous peoples’ demands for access to their cultural practices can be accommodated within criminal law. In a globalised context in which states become increasingly multicultural this question raises fear of social fragmentation and the anxiety for achieving unity. Certainly, Rwanda and Kosovo evidence that claims to access culturally diverse practices may lead to war or even genocide. The context of the thesis is a more benign form of response to these claims: accommodation. While accommodation in general has received great attention from scholars (Kymlicka 1989, Gutmann et al 1994, Tully 1995), within criminal law the only focus has been cultural defences (Renteln 2004, Kymlicka et al 2014). However, little research has been conducted to understand the broader implications of this phenomenon for both the accommodated and the accommodating. The research aims to shed light on these broader implications of accommodation by exploring it within criminal law. Certainly, the simplicity and individualised nature of cultural defence conceals what is at stake for both the accommodated and the accommodating. Specifically, it conceals how criminal law cannot be responsive to the claims of minorities because it seeks to maintain the practices of the constitutional order of which criminal law is part. The result is that the claims of indigenous peoples cannot be accommodated. In order to uncover these implications, the research employs social holism (Pettit 1998) to develop a broader understanding of criminal law as a socio-cultural practice, which enables an adequate description and assessment of the diversity of claims to recognition that minorities make to the state of which they are part. In broadening the view the claims of minorities become linked to their position within the constitutional order (Tully 1995), and then the question arises as to whether minorities have been unjustly excluded or included (Lindahl 2013) in that order, which may lead to recognise a new plurality of responses that the state and its criminal law should provide to them. By broadening the understanding of criminal law it is enabled an adequate framework for the assessment of the phenomenon of accommodation. Certainly, this is necessary for claims to access diverse cultural and social practices to be met with justice, for the state’s responses need to be sensitive to the diversity of claims put forward by minorities, without overlooking that the state as well need to access its particular social and cultural practices.

Indigenous peoples and immigrants: the multicultural challenge of criminal law

In dit proefschrift worden diverse aspecten besproken van de hernieuwde Chinese migratie naar Suriname van de jaren '90 en vroege 21e eeuw. Vanaf de jaren '90 kwam er een hernieuwde stroom van immigranten uit China op gang naar Suriname. Deze nieuwe immigranten veranderende de dynamica van de bestaande Surinaamse-Chinese gemeenschap, die zich van een Hakka enclave ontwikkeld had tot een cultureel en taalkundig diverse moderne Chinese migrantengroep. De eerste groep Chinezen had zich binnen Suriname gepositioneerd door eigen ondernemerschap en politieke participatie. Met de nieuwe lichting Chinezen werd dit bemoeilijkt door een opkomend anti-immigrantengevoel. Het onderzoek is een etnografie over nieuwe Chinese migranten in de context van de migratie van 'Zuid naar Zuid', maar ook een eerste etnografie van het Chinezen in Suriname, evenals een analyse van de in Suriname verschenen etnische verhandelingen en de daar gehanteerde etnopolitiek.

/pdf/chinese-new-migrants-in-suriname-the-inevitability-of-ethnic-2lzc1nse2o.pdf

Chinese New Migrants in Suriname: The Inevitability of Ethnic Performing

Since the mid-2000s, the term multiculturalism has entered the Korean lexicon as migration has become more and more prevalent due to globalization. The cornerstone of this multicultural explosion was a 2006 visit by American football star Hines Ward, born to an African-American father and a Korean mother. As a black mixed-race sports celebrity, he suddenly became an emblematic media figure in the Korean televisual landscape, signifying a broader racial reconfiguration in Korean society. This media event – what I shall call ‘the Hines Ward moment’ – created and opened the discursive space for racial politics and multicultural issues in Korean society. Hence, this article aims to look at what this discursive explosion of multiculturalism and mixed-race means in the context of globalization. Reading the Hines Ward moment as a symbolic media text, the paper examines how the media discourse on Hines Ward articulates the issues of national identity and racial politics in contemporary Korean society. For analysi...

Rearticulating Black Mixed-Race in the Era of Globalization

In the decade since the events of 9/11, Muslims and Islam came to act as symbols for the putative correlation between immigration and the erosion of social cohesion in a number of Western countries, including Australia. Increasingly, immigrant integration was believed to be key to the maintenance of social cohesion and individual immigrant integration was seen as the main factor in successful integration. The Howard Government distanced itself from multicultural policies by rejecting group identities for ‘ethnic’ minorities, while, conversely, strengthening group identity in terms of nationalism and citizenship. Following other Western societies, the integration of Muslims in Australia became characterised as a security imperative and the responsibilities of Muslim citizens increasingly became embedded within the discourse of terrorism, where Muslim citizens are simultaneously suspected as potential terrorists and encouraged to act as community watchdogs. Politicians also came to see terrorism as something harboured within Islamic communities in Australia and Muslim lack of belonging came to be viewed as having ‘cultural’ and ‘religious’ underpinnings. As a result of the securitisation of Islam and the view that Islam and Muslims are problematic, all Muslims were characterised as potential terrorists and negative ideas and actions toward Muslims, what some have called Tslamophobia’, were normalised and justified. There has, however, been remarkably little systematic attempt to examine any continuity between broader understandings of the official definitions of belonging and how and why Muslims are viewed as incapable of belonging. This research demonstrates the links between ideas about the ‘Other’ and their place in Australian society and how these ideas give meaning to the ways Muslims and Islam are thought not to belong. The focus on Muslim Australians as refusing integration and challenging Australia’s national identity is contextualised within the wider framework of Australian national identity, immigration policies (entry, settlement and citizenship) and the wider prevalence of Tslamophobia’ in Australia. This dissertation explicitly politicises the concept of belonging in order to demonstrate the social and political barriers to belonging for Muslim Australians. This dissertation uses Allen’s (2010) concept of Tslamophobia as ideology’ to empirically examine discourses about Islam and Muslims in the House of Representatives (2000-2006). The findings indicate that deeplyentrenched views about who belongs (and who does not), and how they belong in Australia, informed parliamentary discourse on Muslims and Islam. Islamophobia in the Australian House of Representatives demonstrates the ways in which discourses about the ‘Other’ are systematically used to strengthen negative meaning about Islam and Muslims and to consistently present them as anathema to everything ‘Australian’.

The politics of belonging in Australia : multiculturalism, citizenship and Islamophobia

Multicultural imagined communities: Cultural difference and national identity in the USA and Australia: Jon Stratton and Ien Ang

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Multicultural imagined communities: Cultural difference and national identity in the USA and Australia: Jon Stratton and Ien Ang