As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political parties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the parties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research.

/pdf/populist-radical-right-parties-in-europe-14f3tjtdrt.pdf

Populist radical right parties in Europe

Parties Without Partisans

This article offers an overview of levels of party membership in European democ- racies at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century and looks also at changes in these levels over time, comparing party membership today with figures from both 1980 and the late 1990s. While relying primarily on the direct and individual membership figures as reported by the parties themselves, the fit of the data with survey data is explored and it is concluded that the two perform well in terms of convergent validity.The differences between large and small democracies are examined, as well as old and new democracies, and it is found that levels of party membership are related to both the size and age of the democratic polity in question. Finally, the implications of the patterns observed in the membership data are discussed, and it is suggested that membership has now reached such a low ebb that it may no longer constitute a relevant indicator of party organisational capacity. This article offers an overview and initial analysis of the levels of party mem- bership in European democracies at the end of the first decade of the twenty- first century, and discusses the implications of changes in party membership for our understanding of models of party organisation. The first two sections provide a broad comparison of the data on party membership in European democracies and analyse changes in membership over time, comparing con- temporary levels with those from both 1980 and the late 1990s, and exploring variations in national patterns. In the third section, we discuss some of the implications of the patterns that we observe in the membership data and suggest that membership has now reached such a low ebb that it may no longer constitute a relevant indicator of party organisational capacity. Alternatively, if membership continues to be regarded as offering a meaningful gauge of party organisational strength, we might then conclude that party organisations have reached such a low ebb that the formal organisational level is itself no longer a relevant indicator of party capacity. In presenting an overview of the levels of party membership in European democracies at the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, our 24

Going, Going, ...Gone? The Decline of Party Membership in Contemporary Europe

Part I. The Macro Perspective: 1. A theory of single-party dominance and opposition party development 2. Dominant party advantages and opposition party failure, 1930s-90s Part II. The Micro Perspective: 3. Why participate? A theory of elite activism in dominant party systems 4. The empirical dynamics of elite activism Part III. Implications: 5. Constrained to the core: opposition party organizations, 1980s-90s 6. Dominance defeated: voting behavior in the 2000 elections 7. Extending the argument: Italy, Japan, Malaysia, and Taiwan.

/pdf/why-dominant-parties-lose-mexico-s-democratization-in-niic8qlxjk.pdf

Why Dominant Parties Lose: Mexico's Democratization in Comparative Perspective

Why did some Latin American labor-based parties adapt successfully to the contemporary challenges of neoliberalism and working class decline while others did not? Drawing on a detailed study of the Argentine Peronism, as well as a broader comparative analysis, this book develops an organizational approach to party change. Levitsky's study breaks new ground in its focus on informal and weakly institutionalized party structures. It argues that loosely structured party organizations, such as those found in many populist labor-based parties, are often better equipped to adapt to rapid environmental change than are more bureaucratic labor-based parties. The argument is illustrated in the case of Peronism, a mass labor-based party with a highly fluid internal structure. The book shows how this weakly routinized structure allowed party reformers to undertake a set of far-reached coalitional and programmatic changes that enabled Peronism to survive, and even thrive, in the neoliberal era.

/pdf/transforming-labor-based-parties-in-latin-america-argentine-u6k4w0awb4.pdf

Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective

A GENERAL theory of political party structure is expounded below. The theory is general in that it covers most parties operating where open, organized, electoral competition is institutionalized, and in that it offers description and explanation. The theory is not general, however, in coverage of party structure. Its primary concern is hierarchical contrasts in substantive opinions. It deals with contrasting opinions not about basic values or extant conditions but about immediate policy alternatives, and with contrasts not in the clarity or intensity of such preferences but in their content. Summarily, our concern is with degrees of attitudinal congruence on substantive issues between echelons of co-partisans as well as between various echelons and public opinion at large. I shall first identify some opinion structures that can be imagined in view of premises to be specified. This culminates in the definition of a configuration that, in its two basic variants and with further variation in degree, is nominated as the most plausible approximation of reality. Subsequent sections will consider evidence of the configuration’s descriptive validity and causes of its ubiquity.

Opinion structure of political parties: the special law of curvilinear disparity

For a short, definite, non-sectarian definition of democracy, I nominate Responsive Rule qua necessary correspondence between acts of governance and the desires with respect to those acts of the pe

Defining Democracy: A Bid for Coherence and Consensus:

(1975). Rural over‐representation: Pros and cons in recent Australian debate. The Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics: Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 132-145.

Rural over‐representation: Pros and cons in recent Australian debate

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Opinion structure of political parties: the special law of curvilinear disparity

Defining Democracy: A Bid for Coherence and Consensus:

Rural over‐representation: Pros and cons in recent Australian debate