Social Justice and the City

of distinguished and rather senior economists – makes at the end of the book. Their priorities tend to be quick-fixes of problems that might, at least partly, be caused by some other challenge. More importantly, the panellists tend to disregard some of the evidence assembled by the authors. The reactions to the excellent chapter on armed conflict by Collier & Hoeffler illustrate that Nobel awards are no protection against bias. One member of the panel dismisses the economic sources of war that the Oxford economists analyse and points out that free trade is the main pacifying force, while another famous panellist mentions ethnic or religious hatred as a source of conflict. Gerald Schneider

At War’s End: Building Peace After Civil Conflict:

The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa

Relationship, connection, and engagement have emerged as key values in recent studies of human–animal relations. In this article, I call for a reexamination of the productive aspects of detachment. I trace ethnographically the management of everyday relations between biologists and the Kalahari meerkats they study, and I follow the animals’ transformation as subjects of knowledge and engagement when they become the stars of an internationally popular, televised animal soap opera. I argue that treating detachment and engagement as polar opposites is unhelpful both in this ethnographic case and, more broadly, in anthropological discussions of ethics and knowledge making. [human–animal relations, science, media, ethics, engagement, detachment]

I fell in love with Carlos the meerkat: Engagement and detachment in human-animal relations

El presente fragmento introduce los argumentos de Roland Paris acerca de la construccion de las paz postbelica. Paris critica la metodologia empleada durante los noventa por las misiones de construccion de la paz que trataron de implementar reformas democraticas y liberales demasiado rapido. Aunque Paris sostiene que la meta principal todavia debe ser convertir paises destrozados por la guerra en sistemas democraticos de mercado, mantiene que la introduccion de tales reformas sin suficientes instituciones gubernamentales puede provocar la recaida de estos paises en el conflicto. Por lo tanto, propone una nueva estrategia de “institucionalizacion antes que de liberalizacion”, que implica la construccion inicial de una base institucional para luego permitir la introduccion de reformas democraticas y liberales que fomenten una paz duradera. This fragment introduces Roland Paris’s argument regarding post-conflict peace building. Paris criticises methods used during the nineties by peace building operations for trying to implement democratic reforms and liberalisation too quickly. Whilst Paris maintains that the principal objective still should be to convert war torn countries into market democracies he believes that the implementation of such reforms without sufficient government institutions can provoke the regression of these countries into conflict. Therefore, he proposes a new strategy “institutionalisation before liberalisation” that first builds a strong institutional base, which he argues may then allow the introduction of democratic and liberal reforms capable of creating a lasting peace.

/pdf/introduccion-de-at-war-s-end-building-peace-after-civil-4pxi2e1fdj.pdf

Introducción de “At War’s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict” | Introduction, in At War’s End: Building Peace after Civil Conflict

Mozambique has been described as a model of ‘state resilience’ as the ruling Frelimo party has managed to maintain power through years of economic collapse and civil conflict. However, such a description can be misleading and I argue that in most senses, apart from the symbolic, the state largely collapsed through much of the country during the civil war (1977-1992). By tracing the social formation of the elite who eventually went on to dominate the Frelimo party leadership I demonstrate how they were able to maintain internal unity and survive the trials of the post-independence period. However, the social basis of the unity that has maintained the Frelimo party is also very exclusionary, and in many ways unique to themselves. Thus, instead of a model of state resilience I argue that it is the Frelimo party that has survived, but that the reestablishment of the hegemony of the party-state could deepen the divisions and inequalities that helped fuel civil war.

http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/PDF/Outputs/CrisisStates/wp23.2.pdf

Strong Party, Weak State? Frelimo and State Survival Through the Mozambican Civil War: an analytical narrative on state-making.

This paper examines the effects of democratisation in Maputo, the capital of Mozambique. I argue that the introduction of multiparty democracy has weakened the state’s legitimacy amongst a group that was once a pillar of the regime. I demonstrate this assertion by examining the growing alienation between the urban middle class and the dominant, state-based elite in Maputo. Through the investigation of this growing social separation the paper concludes that although the stated aim of democratisation is to subject the government to the ‘will of the people’, it instead appears that the state seeks to be legitimate with the foreign donors that help to fund the democratisation project, rather than with the wider population.

/pdf/the-illegitimacy-of-democracy-democratisation-and-alienation-3gf6534nxo.pdf

The Illegitimacy of Democracy? Democratisation and Alienation in Maputo, Mozambique.

This contribution examines the relationship between the ruling Frelimo party and the state it controls in post-socialist Mozambique. It argues that while democratic reforms may have altered state structures since the end of single-party socialism in 1992, power remains concentrated in Frelimo, which has actually increased its hold and become more deeply entrenched during the liberal period. The party is not only the dominant political force in the nation, but its structures provide a layered form of social stratification within the nation and also one of the major routes of social mobility available to many Mozambicans. Democratization has largely allowed the party to become one of the primary ‘arenas of negotiation’ in Mozambique by channelling various demands and interests through its internal structures.

The Party and the State: Frelimo and Social Stratification in Post-socialist Mozambique

This article offers a critique of Patrick Chabal's and Jean Pascal Daloz's ‘neo-patrimonial’ interpretation of elite politics in Africa. It does so through an exploration of Mozambican society and politics in the period of democratic transition. By examining the relationship between the ruling Frelimo elite and the middle class in the capital Maputo, I argue that state politics cannot be explained by elites competing with each other through vertical clientelist networks as elaborated in the ‘neo-patrimonial’ thesis. Instead, I suggest that the liberal transition appears to have ushered in a hardening of Mozambican class structures, with elites maintaining their position through access to political power and networks developed initially in the post-independence period, and demonstrating a high degree of internal solidarity.

Politics after the Time of Hunger in Mozambique: A Critique of Neo-Patrimonial Interpretation of African Elites*

The Party and the State: Frelimo and Social Stratification in Post-socialist Mozambique: The Party and the State in Post-socialist Mozambique

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