Three aspects of the self(private, public, collective) with different probabilities in different kinds of social environments were sampled. Three dimensions of cultural variation (individualism--collectivism, tightness-looseness, cultural complexity) are discussed in relation to the sampling of these three aspects of the self. The more complex the culture, the more frequent the sampling of the public and private self and the less frequent the sampling of the collective self. The more individualistic the culture, the more frequent the sampling of the private self and the less frequent the sampling of the collective self. Collectivism, external threat, competition with outgroups, and common fate increase the sampling of the collective self. Cultural homogeneity results in tightness and in the sampling of the collective self. The article outlines theoretical links among aspects of the environment, childrearing patterns, and cultural patterns, which are linked to differential sampling of aspects of the self. Such sampling has implications for social behavior. Empirical investigations of some of these links are reviewed.

The Self and Social Behavior in Differing Cultural Contexts

On the bases of Greenwald and Pratkanis's (1984) distinction between private and collective aspects of the self and on Triandis's (1989) theory about individualistic and collectivistic cultures, 2 competing theories concerning the organization of self-cognitions were proposed. Findings from 2 experi

Some tests of the distinction between the private self and the collective self.

The authors propose an interpersonal social– cognitive theory of the self and personality, the relational self, in which knowledge about the self is linked with knowledge about significant others, and each linkage embodies a self– other relationship. Mental representations of significant others are activated and used in interpersonal encounters in the social– cognitive phenomenon of transference (S. M. Andersen & N. S. Glassman, 1996), and this evokes the relational self. Variability in relational selves depends on interpersonal contextual cues, whereas stability derives from the chronic accessibility of significant-other representations. Relational selves function in if–then terms (W. Mischel & Y. Shoda, 1995), in which ifs are situations triggering transference, and thens are relational selves. An individual’s repertoire of relational selves is a source of interpersonal patterns involving affect, motivation, self-evaluation, and self-regulation. The nature of the self has long perplexed and intrigued scholars across a broad spectrum of academic disciplines. In psychology alone, well over a century of inquiry has translated into a virtual explosion of theory and research in recent decades, especially in social psychology, all aiming to chart the contours of the self. Sharing this aim, we propose an interpersonal social– cognitive theory of the self that draws on theory and research in social cognition, personality psychology, and clinical psychology. Our central argument is that the self is relational— or even entangled— with significant others and that this has implications for selfdefinition, self-evaluation, self-regulation, and, most broadly, for personality functioning, expressed in relation to others. The theory clearly subscribes to the long-standing view that the self is fundamentally interpersonal (e.g., James, 1890). Indeed, we maintain that an individual’s overall repertoire of relational selves, stemming from all his or her relationships, is a major source of the interpersonal patterns that the individual enacts and experiences in the course of everyday interpersonal life—whether at work, at play, or in therapy. The proposed theory focuses on the ways in which the self is related to specific other individuals—namely, the significant oth

The Relational Self: An Interpersonal Social-Cognitive Theory

Three studies examined the cognitive implications of linguistic categories in the interpersonal domain. On the basis of conceptual and linguistic criteria, we advance a four-level classification that distinguishes between verbs and adjectives in the interpersonal domain. These four levels (in terms of increasing abstractness) are descriptive action verbs, interpretive action verbs, state verbs, and adjectives. Results from the first two studies reveal a systematic relation between the respective linguistic category and the temporal stability of the quality expressed in the sentence, the sentence's infonnativeness about the subject, the sentence's verinability and disputability, and the sentence's informativeness about a specific situation. Results from the last study support the four-level linguistic classification and its differential cognitive functions. Implications for social cognition and personality research are discussed. In the three studies reported in this article, we examine the cognitive functions of different linguistic categories used to describe persons and their behaviors. The aim is to elucidate how language mediates between social cognition and social reality. The interface between language and social cognition remains a relatively neglected issue in the burgeoning field of social cogni

/pdf/the-cognitive-functions-of-linguistic-categories-in-k8tkr7pplk.pdf

The cognitive functions of linguistic categories in describing persons: Social cognition and language.

Publisher Summary This chapter proposes a new integration of social psychology and situated cognition—that is, socially situated cognition (SSC). This new approach rests directly on recent developments in psychology and cognitive science captured by the label situated cognition. It highlights four core assumptions that are common to social psychology and the situated cognition perspective: Cognition is for the adaptive regulation of action, and mental representations are action oriented; cognition is embodied, drawing on our sensorimotor abilities and environments as well as human brains; cognition and action are the emergent outcome of dynamic processes of interaction between an agent and an environment; and cognition is distributed across brains and the environment and across social agents. With regard to each of these themes, the chapter reviews and integrates relevant social psychological research and suggests ways in which the theme can be advanced by rethinking current assumptions. The overall goals are to make social psychology part of the interdisciplinary integration emerging around the concept of situated cognition, and to advance these four themes as high-level conceptual principles that can organize seemingly disparate areas of research and theory within social psychology itself.

Socially Situated Cognition: Cognition in its Social Context

It is assumed here that even as intimate and individualistic an experience as one's sense of self is affected by the social context in which the self-thoughts arise. As regards two major social worlds of childhood, family and school, it is postulated that the family's nurturent atmosphere fosters a more passive self-concept in contrast to a more dynamic sense of self promoted by the school's press toward achievement. Six predictions were derived that self-thoughts in the two contexts will differ in basic psycholinguistic characteristics, the types of verbs used to describe the self. To test these predictions children's three-minute descriptions of their family and of their school were content analysed into successive subject/verb/complement thought segments, from among which we selected out self-thoughts (segments with self as subject). An analysis of the types of verbs used in self-thoughts evoked by family versus school probes supported the six predicted differences in verb types derived from our postulate of a more passive self-concept in the family context. Specifically, in family more than in school contexts the self is perceived passively in terms of state rather than action verbs (of what one is rather than what one does); in terms of static states of being rather than dynamic states of becoming; in terms of overt actions rather than covert reactions; in terms of physical actions rather than social interactions; in terms of cold cognitions rather than hot affects; and in terms of simple affirmations rather than reflexive negations. These six manifestations of a more passive self in family than school social contexts are robust across age, gender and response modality.

The self in society: effects of social contexts on the sense of self.

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The self in society: effects of social contexts on the sense of self.