Remnant movement, once believed not to be a part of grammar at all, has since become a tool of analyzing phenomena like verb fronting, word order alternations, or covert movement. What has been largely missing from the discussion of remnant movement are the effects a remnant constituent has on the nodes in the clause it has crossed. This paper argues that remnant movement has particular consequences for clausal syntax since it gives rise to crossing and nesting movement dependencies. This point is illustrated on the example of certain robust asymmetries in the Polish OVS syntax. The analysis of Polish OVS sentences has a broader benefit, namely that the proper identification of crossing and nesting paths provides convergent evidence for the existence of remnant movement in the first place.

Le Charme Discret of Remnant Movement: Crossing and Nesting in Polish OVS Sentences

/pdf/the-phase-model-and-adverbials-2qqc0jfl5u.pdf

The Phase Model and Adverbials

Recently, a number of analyses have advanced a thesis that syntactic heads are immobile and that head movement does not exist in grammar (cf. Mahajan 2001, 2003; Muller 2004, a.o.) or is severely restricted (e.g. Koopman and Szabolcsi 2000, Nilsen 2003). Such approaches take dislocation of the head X to be an instance of a remnant movement of the XP-constituent, preceded by vacating movements of other members of the XP. Detrimental to the claim that head movement does not exist is a scenario in which a dislocation of X is followed by a remnant movement of the XP-constituent. Such a derivational scenario is outlined in (1).

/pdf/circumstantial-evidence-for-syntactic-head-movement-1cmmdddy99.pdf

Circumstantial evidence for syntactic head movement

Possessive pronouns, Condition C and Anti-Cataphora Effects

In the following I argue that it is necessary to distinguish between clausal and non-clausal adjuncts wrt. Condition C. Although both types of adjuncts are merged cyclically, only r-expressions in clausal adjuncts can corefer with the coindexed pronoun because they are embedded in the phase, tripartite quantificational and information structure of the sentence more deeply than the r-expressions in nonclausal adjuncts. The availability of coreference depends on the presuppositional status of the clausal adjunct or the element containing it and on whether the r-expression observes the proposed Background Adjunct Coreference Principle. Then I argue that Condition C must be able to wait until the semantic interface of the highest phase in the sentence and can see the whole derivation.

/pdf/adjunction-condition-c-and-thebackground-adjunct-coreference-2fuumgwald.pdf

Adjunction, Condition C, and theBackground Adjunct Coreference Principle

This book addresses an old observation that complex interrogative constituents moved to the left periphery of the clause display dual properties with respect to principles of Chomsky's Binding Theory; in some cases the displaced constituent feeds Principle C while in others it does not. This account of the relationship between syntactic movement and its undoing (Reconstruction) for the purpose of establishing coreference relations involving pied-piped nominal phrases is based on certain refinements of ideas proposed in Lebaux (1988, 1992), Freidin (1986), Chomsky (1993) and Safir (1999). We assume that differences between Reconstruction (feeding of Principle C) and the anti-Reconstruction effects (amelioration of Principle C) result from two processes: the point of introduction of a given category into the phrase marker and vehicle change of Safir (1999). The former factor distinguishes between arguments and adjuncts, while the latter replaces a name embedded in an overtly moved interrogative phrase with its pronominal correlate.

Movement and Reconstruction: Questions and Principle C Effects in English and Polish

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Movement and Reconstruction: Questions and Principle C Effects in English and Polish