Acknowledgments Introduction Part I. The Foundations of Liberal Republicanism: 1. Machiavelli's republicanism 2. Hobbes on peace, the passions and politics Part II. The Formation of the Synthesis: 3. Marchamont Nedham and the beginnings of a Liberal republicanism 4. The distinctive modern republicanism of James Harrington 5. Henry Neville's proposal for a republic under the form of monarchy 6. Algernon Sidney as anticipator of Locke and secret admirer of Machiavelli 7. Cato's thought as the reconciliation of Machiavellian republicanism and Lockean liberalism Conclusion Works cited Index.

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Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England

Preface Introduction: English republicanism Part I. Contexts: 1. Classical republicanism 2. The cause of God 3. Discourses of a commonwealth 4. Old worlds and new Part II. Analysis: 5. The political theory of rebellion 6. Constitutions 7. Liberty 8. Virtue 9. The politics of time 10. Empire Part III. Chronology: 11. Republicans and Levellers, 1603-49 12. The English republic, 1649-53 13. Healing and settling, 1653-8 14. The good old cause, 1658-60 15. Anatomies of tyranny, 1660-83 16. Republicans and Whigs, 1680-1725 Appendix: 'a pretty story of horses' (May 1654) Bibliography Index.

Commonwealth Principles: Republican Writing of the English Revolution

Machiavelli, Hobbes, and the Formation of a Liberal Republicanism in England: Cato's Thought as the Reconciliation of Machiavellian Republicanism and Lockean Liberalism

Commonwealth Principles: Introduction: English republicanism

The political theory of rebellion

At the heart of James Harrington's rhetorical aspiration in framing his most famous book lay a dilemma. Oceana appealed to ambition in order to incite an act of consummate self-effacement. Addressed to the Lord Protector, Oliver Cromwell, as he wrestled with the prospect of kingship, it appealed to his thirst for glory only in order to persuade him to suppress his own ambition and divest himself of power. Scipio was asked to become Lycurgus. However much the difficulties of the mid-1650s, the challenges of healing and settling, might encourage Cromwell to regard any reasonable scheme with hope, this remained an over-sanguine agenda. Furthermore, as the once reluctant regicide contemplated taking the steps to the throne as a final exercise in conservative post-revolutionary reconstruction, those schemes which smacked of levelling were presumably beyond the bounds of the reasonable. The good and great interest of the nation remained the hierarchy of ‘a nobleman, a gentleman and a yeoman’. In the crisis of 1649 it was Cromwell who had urged the Council of State to break those who advocated legal and religious equality. Yet the notion of equality was pivotal both to Harrington's republicanism and to his utopianism. Republics had failed historically precisely because they were unequal. The republic proposed for Oceana in 1656 could be perfect and immortal only because it was equal. The problem of Harrington's identification of equality as the essential feature of his republicanism has two dimensions. The more general one is that of its genesis and resonance in a society permeated with ideas of natural inequality, of hierarchy as the guarantor of order, and fearful of the association between levelling and anarchy.

Soldiers, writers and statesmen of the English Revolution: Equality in an unequal commonwealth: James Harrington's republicanism and the meaning of equality

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Soldiers, writers and statesmen of the English Revolution: Equality in an unequal commonwealth: James Harrington's republicanism and the meaning of equality