The authors address 2 questions about embarrassment. First, Is embarrassment a distinct emotion? The evidence indicates that the antecedents, experience, and display of embarrassment, and to a limited extent its autonomic physiology, are distinct from shame, guilt, and amusement and share the dynamic, temporal characteristics of emotion. Second, What are the theoretical accounts of embarrassment? Three accounts focus on the causes of embarrassment, positioning that it follows the loss of self-esteem, concern for others' evaluations, or absence of scripts to guide interactions. A fourth account focuses on the effects of the remedial actions of embarrassment, which correct preceding transgressions. A fifth account focuses on the functional parallels between embarrassment and nonhuman appeasement. The discussion focuses on unanswered questions about embarrassment.

/pdf/embarrassment-its-distinct-form-and-appeasement-functions-1h953enr6u.pdf

Embarrassment: its distinct form and appeasement functions.

In this study, the correlates of embarrassability, or chronic susceptibility to embarrassment, were examined. Competing theoretical models suggest either that embarrassable people should be especially concerned about others' evaluations of them or that they should lack social skills. Further, shyness and embarrassment are typically considered to be closely related states. To test these propositions, 310 participants provided extensive self-reports of social skill, fear of negative evaluation, self-esteem, self-consciousness, and negative affectivity. Regression and factor analyses indicated that, compared to those of low embarrassability, highly embarrassable people are particularly concerned with the normative appropriateness of behavior and are more motivated to avoid rejection from others. In contrast, shyness was best predicted by low social self-confidence and low social skill. The data best support a social-evaluation model of embarrassment and argue that embarrassability is linked to the appropriateness of social behavior, and shyness to its effectiveness.

http://ruby.fgcu.edu/courses/twimberley/10199/psy/embarssability.pdf

On the nature of embarrassability: shyness, social evaluation, and social skill.

Les auteurs proposent ici un modele de rougissement appuye sur des resultats empiriques. On montre notamment que la frequence avec laquelle les sujets declarent rougir est correlee avec des mesures qui refletent l'inquietude des sujets sur la facon dont ils sont regardes par les autres

Predictors, elicitors, and concomitants of social blushing

This chapter presents a theory that is an elaboration of a conception first developed in my book, Self-Consciousness and Social Anxiety (1980) and in a recent paper (Buss, 1985). Though there is empirical support for several of my assumptions, in the interests of brevity and clarity, I shall not include such data. The interested reader is likely to find such evidence in the more empirical chapters in this volume. In any event, the novel features of my approach are speculations that are stated as hypotheses. Some of these may be difficult to test because they involve statements about the development of shyness and therefore might require a longitudinal study. Others should be relatively easy to test.

A Theory of Shyness

A greater understanding of the origins of social phobia is much needed. The research to date is limited by the relatively small number of studies that sample clinical populations of individuals with social phobia. There is, however, research derived from related areas such as shyness, social anxiety, self-consciousness, peer neglect, and social withdrawal that contributes to a richer understanding of the etiology of social fears. Combining these areas of research, this review addresses four main factors that may be important to the origins of social phobia: (a) genetic factors; (b) family factors; (c) other environmental factors; and (d) developmental factors.

The origins of social phobia.

Parents of children in the age range 3 to 12 years were asked about their children's embarrassment and blushing during the previous six months. This survey revealed that roughly one in four preschool children showed embarrassment. Starting with age 5, a majority of children showed embarrassment. There were no systematic gender differences. Blushing was reported in slightly more than half the children who were embarrassed. On the assumption that embarrassment signals the presence of a social self, a social self develops at about 5 years of age for most children.

The development of embarrassment.

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The development of embarrassment.