This paper aims to simulate the economic impacts of the withdrawal of informal workers from the labour market due to the social isolation policy implemented during the Covid‐19 pandemic in Bahia state, Brazil, where 66% of workers work in the informal sector. We also consider the government income compensation policy to make up part of their income. The partial hypothetical extraction method was used in a regional input–output matrix, base year 2012 with 42 economic sectors. Our simulations show that the withdrawal of informal workers decreases the productive capacity and leads to strong negative impacts on the economy, mainly in the service sectors. On the other hand, the income compensation policy mitigates the negative impacts by about 50%. Moreover, the public administration is the least impacted sector because it is mostly made up of formal workers. Este articulo tiene por objeto simular las repercusiones economicas de la retirada del mercado de trabajo de los trabajadores del sector informal debido a la politica de aislamiento social impuesta durante la pandemia de COVID‐19 en el estado de Bahia de Brasil, en el que el 66% de los trabajadores trabajan en el sector informal. Tambien se estudio la politica de compensacion de ingresos del gobierno como contribucion a los ingresos de los trabajadores. Se utilizo el metodo de extraccion hipotetica parcial en una matriz regional de input‐output, usando 2012 como ano base con 42 sectores economicos. Las simulaciones muestran que la retirada de los trabajadores del sector informal disminuye la capacidad productiva y conduce a fuertes impactos negativos en la economia, principalmente en los sectores de servicios. Por otro lado, la politica de compensacion de ingresos mitiga los impactos negativos en un 50% aproximadamente. Ademas, la administracion publica es el sector menos afectado porque esta compuesto en su mayor parte por trabajadores del sector formal. ブラジルのバイア州では労働者の66%がインフォーマルセクターで働いているが、本稿では、新型コロナウイルス感染症 (COVID‐19)大流行時に実施された社会的隔離政策によるインフォーマル労働者の労働市場からの撤退の経済的影響をシミュレートする。また、政府が彼らの所得の一部を補償する所得補償政策を考察する。2012年を基準とし、42の経済セクターを対象とした地域の産業連関マトリクスで、部分的仮説的抽出を行った。シミュレーションから、インフォーマル労働者の撤退が生産能力を低下させ、主にサービスセクターの経済に強いマイナスの影響をもたらすことが示された。一方、所得補償政策はマイナスの影響を約50%緩和する。さらに、行政は、大部分が正規労働者で構成されているため、最も影響を受けにくいセクターである。

The informal sector and Covid‐19 economic impacts: the case of Bahia, Brazil

Drawing on minority enclave theory and resilience theory in entrepreneurship, we test whether, with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, the self-employed lost more hours than the employed and whether traditionally disadvantaged self-employed racial minorities faced harsher penalties in the form of reduced hours of work. Though spatially concentrated ethnic minority colocations could improve business outcomes in the non-crisis period, with the pandemic affecting all the members in the enclave, the very dependencies in minority enclaves could be a liability. Using a large-scale survey during the COVID-19 pandemic conducted by the Brazilian government, we draw on a one-to-one nearest neighbor matched pair sample of 19,626 employed (public or private sector) and self-employed individuals, and control for industry-sector-interview-location fixed effects. The results show that self-employed people, compared to employed, reported a greater loss of hours. At the sample level, black self-employed people on aggregate lost 9,051 hours per month, and mixed race self-employed people on aggregate lost 27,880 hours per month. The disproportionate loss of work hours by the self-employed from racial minority groups during the COVID-19 pandemic in a developing country context calls for a closer examination and assessment of the long-term impact of COVID-19 on racial minorities. Large-scale evidence from Brazil: racial minorities lost more hours per month than other groups during the COVID-19 pandemic. Racial minorities face systemic discrimination in setting up and developing their businesses, especially in developing countries. We test whether during the COVID-19 pandemic self-employed racial minorities in Brazil lost more hours of work relative to employed racial minorities. We create a matched sample of employed and self-employed individuals based on age, sex, education categories, COVID-19 self-reported symptom index, income deciles, house ownership categories, week of the interview, state of the interview, and industry. We find that across racial minority groups, the hours lost by the self-employed were substantive during the pandemic, signaling that Brazilian policymakers should pay greater attention to the relief funds allocated to and policies geared towards self-employed racial minorities.

/pdf/impact-of-the-covid-19-pandemic-on-the-hours-lost-by-self-3xqbdedy12.pdf

Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the hours lost by self-employed racial minorities: evidence from Brazil

A maioria das ocupacoes precarias no Brasil e exercida por negros e mulheres. Apesar do bom desempenho do mercado de trabalho ate 2013, permaneceu elevada a disparidade entre brancos e negros, bem como entre homens e mulheres. Considerando que os efeitos da atual crise economica sobre o mercado de trabalho penalizam sobretudo os segmentos mais vulneraveis, o artigo pretende verificar se a questao racial e a de genero contribuem para a reproducao da precariedade. Pode-se inferir que uma estrategia consistente para reduzir tais desigualdades requer a combinacao de politicas destinadas a gerar empregos, combater a informalidade e elevar os rendimentos, de um lado, com politicas efetivas de promocao da igualdade racial e de genero no mercado de trabalho, de outro.

/pdf/precariedade-ocupacional-uma-questao-de-genero-e-raca-3h3s8ei5bk.pdf

Precariedade ocupacional: uma questão de gênero e raça

O objetivo deste texto e caracterizar as transformacoes que marcaram a expansao recente do sistema de ensino superior brasileiro, baseando-se em dados quantitativos concentrados no periodo de 1991 a 2020 em dialogo com uma revisao da literatura. Elencamos cinco tendencias principais: democratizacao do acesso, instituicao de acoes afirmativas, desequilibrio publico-privado, ampliacao do ensino a distância e estratificacao horizontal. Conclui-se que a expansao sem precedentes de vagas e matriculas no ensino superior, em conjunto com a diversificacao institucional da oferta e politicas inclusivas, levou a heterogeneizacao do publico discente e uma crescente estratificacao horizontal. De um lado, aprofundou tendencias ja observadas em decadas anteriores, a exemplo do desbalanco entre os setores publico e privado e da desigualdade interna do sistema em termos de prestigio e valorizacao de diplomas. De outro, inaugurou novos padroes, tais como a emergencia do ensino a distância e uma participacao inedita de segmentos menos privilegiados da sociedade brasileira, com impactos sobre o futuro do sistema.

/pdf/a-expansao-recente-do-ensino-superior-thmwme9vuy.pdf

A expansão recente do ensino superior

This article discusses the political impacts on the poor’s subjectivity provoked by neoliberal policies such as inclusion through consumption in 21st century Brazil. From 2009 to 2014, we carried out ethnographic research with new consumers in a low-income neighbourhood – Morro da Cruz – in the city of Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. We argue that consumption does not necessarily depoliticize human experience, as it is broadly assumed to have done in the scholarly literature on neoliberalism. In a society in which the poor has obtained goods through hierarchical and servile relationships, the possibility of buying things provides a micro sphere for recognition, though not in terms of classic collective action or even hidden subversion. Coupled with the momentum towards a national ‘economic emergence’, status goods became vehicles of an emergent subjectivity, which we conceptualize as ‘the right to shine’. The right to shine are subtle forms of class and racial self-worth, and individual and interpersonal empowerment that revealed interclass defiance.

/pdf/the-right-to-shine-poverty-consumption-and-de-politicization-3kj7gsr3.pdf

The right to shine: Poverty, consumption and (de) politicization in neoliberal Brazil

Desigualdades raciais no Brasil: um desafio persistente

The objective of this article is to analyze changes in the profile of domestic workers (2002-2012) considering not only the distinct variations in the legislation that preceded the Project of the Constitutional amendment but also the social transformations that took place at the base of the Brazilian social pyramid. Despite the reproduction of race and class cleavages that define the general profile of these workers, the article demonstrates that these markers also operate in the internal differentiation of this occupation. Moreover, the data analyzed show that the changes in the base of the occupational structure and the educational profile of the labor force were decisive for the way the pattern of domestic employment changed over the period.

/pdf/emprego-domestico-e-mudanca-social-reproducao-e-2z1zx3srns.pdf

Emprego doméstico e mudança social: reprodução e heterogeneidade na base da estrutura ocupacional brasileira

This chapter analyzes racial inequalities in Brazil along 50 years exploring the superposition of race and class. How has the topic of race relations and inequalities been addressed in Brazil? Has the inequality situation changed from 1960 on? If so, how have those changes been interpreted? Despite the numerous social changes Brazil has undergone in 50 years, the vast majority of blacks were hold at the bottom of the social pyramid. First, the chapter briefly reviews how the literature on race relations and inequalities has addressed the issue of black social status in Brazil. Second, the chapter examines racial disparities over time, taking into account the fundamental factors and effects relating to the reproduction of racial inequality in Brazil, such as educational opportunities and holding a university degree.

Racial Inequalities in Brazil: A Persistent Challenge

Neste artigo, avaliamos os efeitos da incidência conjunta das quedas do nível de ocupação do Programa Emergencial de Preservação do Emprego e da Renda (Medida Provisória – MP no 936/2020) e da Renda Básica Emergencial – RBE (Lei no 13.982/2020) sobre a distribuição da renda domiciliar per capita e a pobreza. Essas medidas foram tomadas para mitigar as consequências socioeconômicas da pandemia e das necessárias medidas de isolamento social e impactaram fortemente a atividade econômica, o mercado de trabalho e a renda das famílias, tal como já indicado pelos primeiros dados divulgados pelo Cadastro Geral de Empregados e Desempregados (Caged), pela Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios Contínua (PNAD) Contínua (trimestre de fevereiro, março e abril de 2020) e pela PNAD-Covid-19.

/pdf/efeitos-do-desemprego-do-auxilio-emergencial-e-do-programa-2nkgmgu66b.pdf

Efeitos do desemprego, do auxílio emergencial e do Programa Emergencial de Preservação do Emprego e da Renda (MP nº 936/2020) sobre a renda, a pobreza e a desigualdade durante e depois da Pandemia

In this interview, Brazilian demographer Elza Berquo and statistician Nelson do Valle Silva consider their professional careers and the consolidation of quantitative research in the social sciences in Brazil.

/pdf/ciencias-sociais-censo-e-informacao-quantitativa-no-brasil-4vuw4kjyo3.pdf

Ciências sociais, censo e informação quantitativa no Brasil: entrevista com Elza Berquó e Nelson do Valle Silva

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