With digital equipment becoming increasingly networked, either on wired or wireless networks, for personal and professional use alike, distributed software systems have become a crucial element in information and communications technologies. The study of these systems forms the core of the ARLES' work, which is specifically concerned with defining new system software architectures, based on the use of emerging networking technologies. In this context, we concentrate on the study of distributed systems which bring to life the vision of ubiquitous computing systems, also known as ambient intelligence.

반도체 공정 overview

This article reviews the recent literature on diversification as a livelihood strategy of rural households in developing countries, with particular reference to sub‐Saharan Africa. Livelihood diversification is defined as the process by which rural families construct a diverse portfolio of activities and social support capabilities in order to survive and to improve their standards of living. The determinants and effects of diversification in the areas of poverty, income distribution, farm output and gender are examined. Some policy inferences are summarised. The conclusion is reached that removal of constraints to, and expansion of opportunities for, diversification are desirable policy objectives because they give individuals and households more capabilities to improve livelihood security and to raise living standards.

Household strategies and rural livelihood diversification

In this article a theory of motivations to send remittances is described and tested with data from Botswana. Altruism is one of the motivations tested and found to be an insufficient explanation for remittances among migrants in Botswana. A refinement of the model stipulates a modified altruism or "enlightened self-interest." In this model the relationship between the migrant and family is tempered by an implicit understanding of mutual benefit. The household strategy may be to encourage some members to migrate as a means of spreading risk and sharing gains. The household strategy is similar to an insurance policy where migration is to places where market potential is high. The risks incurred might be high. The example is given of migration during a drought in Botswana. Migrant remittances were greater in households with more cattle or households with more to lose. Drought alone was not statistically related to remittances. Increases in remittances were related to increased levels of education. It is suggested that repayment was the motive for parents investment in migrants education. Migrants gains are identified as the potential for an inheritance the security of channeling investments through a trusted family member and security in having a home to return to. It is pointed out that the altruism and family remittances from urban migration were strategies that bridged the simple dynamic of either urban development or rural development impacting on family welfare. It is suggested that household models of economy adopt some measure to express the relationship of household wealth to remittances from urban migrants.

Motivations to Remit: Evidence from Botswana

The debate on migration and development has swung back and forth like a pendulum, from developmentalist optimism in the 1950s and 1960s, to neo-Marxist pessimism over the 1970s and 1980s, towards more optimistic views in the 1990s and 2000s. This paper argues how such discursive shifts in the migration and development debate should be primarily seen as part of more general paradigm shifts in social and development theory. However, the classical opposition between pessimistic and optimistic views is challenged by empirical evidence pointing to the heterogeneity of migration impacts. By integrating and amending insights from the new economics of labor migration, livelihood perspectives in development studies and transnational perspectives in migration studies – which share several though as yet unobserved conceptual parallels – this paper elaborates the contours of a conceptual framework that simultaneously integrates agency and structure perspectives and is therefore able to account for the heterogeneous nature of migration-development interactions. The resulting perspective reveals the naivety of recent views celebrating migration as self-help development “from below”. These views are largely ideologically driven and shift the attention away from structural constraints and the vital role of states in shaping favorable conditions for positive development impacts of migration to occur.

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2009.00804.x

Migration and Development: A Theoretical Perspective

This chapter reviews the recent theoretical and empirical economic literature on migrants' remittances. It is divided between a microeconomic section on the determinants of remittances and a macroeconomic section on their growth effects. At the micro level we first present in a fully harmonized framework the various motivations to remit described so far in the literature. We show that models based on different motives share many common predictions, making it difficult to implement truly discriminative tests in the absence of sufficiently detailed data on migrants and receiving households' characteristics and on the timing of remittances. The results from selected empirical studies show that a mixture of individualistic (e.g., altruism, exchange) and familial (e.g., investment, insurance) motives explain the likelihood and size of remittances; some studies also find evidence of moral hazard on the recipients' side and of the use of inheritance prospects to monitor the migrants' behavior. At the macro level we first briefly review the standard (Keynesian) and the trade-theoretic literature on the short-run impact of remittances. We then use an endogenous growth framework to describe the growth potential of remittances and present the evidence for different growth channels. There is considerable evidence that remittances (in the form of savings repatriated by return migrants) promote access to self-employment and raise investment in small businesses, and there is also evidence that remittances contribute to raise educational attainments of children in households with migrant members. Investigation of the effects of remittances on outcomes such as children's education and health raise identification issues, however, as we explain below. Finally, the relationship between remittances and inequality appears to be non-monotonic: remittances seem to decrease economic inequality in communities with a long migration tradition but to increase inequality within communities at the beginning of the migration process. This is consistent with different theoretical arguments regarding the role of migration networks and/or the dynamics of wealth transmission between successive generations.

/pdf/the-economics-of-migrants-remittances-vbuiouob8k.pdf

The Economics of Migrants' Remittances

One of the effects of rural‐to‐urban migration is the return of money and resources by the migrants to their respective home areas. Recently, it has been argued by several authors that such remittances represent a significant means for removing supply constraints to improved productivity in agriculture. In this paper the authors examine critically the available evidence on the rural impact of remittances. Subjects covered in the paper include the extent of the urban‐to‐rural remittances, the determinants of such financial flows and the use made in the rural areas of the money received. The paper concludes there is little evidence that urban‐rural remittances have been a significant means to rural economic development.

The role of urban‐to‐rural remittances in rural development

The determinants of interregional migration in Kenya

The starting point of this study is a model of rural household decision-making, which generates a set of testable hypotheses regarding the determinants and consequences of rural--urban migration. A survey of one of Kenya's eight largest urban centers was carried out in December 1968 to provide data that were then combined with census data to test these hypotheses. The questionnaire that was distributed was designed t o obtain the ~nigration, eniployment, and income history of each migrant from 1 year before his move t o the time of the survey as well as the migrant's opinions on why he moved, how long he intended t o stay, and what he thought of life in urban centers. This volume is an analysis of those data. The basic thesis is that rural -urban migration is a rational response t o development in Kenya. Migration does not shape this development; it is merely one symptonl o f growth. On the basis of the results obtained, the study concludes with a general discussion of several aspects of the urbanization process that can be influenced by policy actions.

Rural-urban labor migration and urban unemployment in Kenya

During the 1970s cereal imports in sub-Saharan Africa increased at an annual rate in excess of 20 percent. As a result, it was assumed Africa had two choices: reduce the rate of population growth or become increasingly dependent on food imports and aid. In this paper we investigate the relative importance of food shortfalls versus policy choices that resulted in a taste change away from roots and tubers and coarse grains to imported wheat and rice. Of the 41 countries studied, 17 are still net exporters of food commodities, cereal imports serve to supplement inadequate production of food, but these imports, generally, are not driven by severe nutritional needs within any one country. Rather, the observed cereal imports are primarily wheat and rice flowing into the countries with adequate levels of nutrition available.

The Determinants of Cereal Grain Imports: Sub-Saharan Africa, 1970–1997

In recent years, economic development literature has focused attention on the problems created by high rates of population growth and widening disparities in income distribution. Rural-urban migration has been, in part, a response to pressure on land in rural areas as well as to the high wages paid by a relatively capital-intensive modern sector in the cities and towns. However, the labor-absorptive capacity of this sector has been very low, with the result that the aspirations of some of the migrants have not been fulfilled. Many find employment in the labor-intensive, low-paying informal sector which has sprung up to serve the needs of the urban poor for services and low-cost manufactured goods.1 The unemployment problem in less developed countries (LDCs) is said to be aggravated by the "wrong" factor price ratio between capital and labor, partly because of institutionally determined modern sector wages and partly because of an artificially low price of capital attributable to an overvalued exchange rate and various investment incentives. This

Labor Market Pressures and Wage Determination in Less Developed Economies: The Case of Kenya

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