Mass incarceration, police brutality, and border controls are part and parcel of the everyday experiences of marginalized and racialized communities across the world. Recent scholarship in international relations, sociology, and geography has examined the prevalence of these coercive practices through the prism of “disciplinary,” “penal,” or “authoritarian” neoliberalism. In this collective discussion, we argue that although this literature has brought to the fore neoliberalism's reliance on state violence, it has yet to interrogate how these carceral measures are linked to previous forms of global racial ordering. To rectify this moment of “colonial unknowing,” the collective discussion draws on decolonial approaches, Indigenous studies, and theories of racial capitalism. It demonstrates that “new” and “neoliberal” forms of domestic control must be situated within the global longue duree of racialized and colonial accumulation by dispossession. By mapping contemporary modes of policing, incarceration, migration control, and surveillance onto earlier forms of racial–colonial subjugation, we argue that countering the violence of neoliberalism requires more than nostalgic appeals for a return to Keynesianism. What is needed is abolition—not just of the carceral archipelago, but of the very system of racial capitalism that produces and depends on these global vectors of organized violence and abandonment.

L'incarceration de masse, la brutalite policiere et les controles aux frontieres constituent une partie integrante des experiences quotidiennes des communautes marginalisees et racialisees du monde entier. Des etudes recentes en relations internationales, en sociologie et en geographie ont examine la prevalence de ces pratiques coercitives par le prisme du neoliberalisme « disciplinaire », « penal » ou « autoritaire ». Dans cet article, nous soutenons que bien que cette litterature ait mis en evidence la dependance du neoliberalisme a la violence etatique, elle ne s'est pas encore interrogee sur le lien entre ces mesures carcerales et les formes precedentes d'ordre racial mondial. Cet article s'appuie sur le feminisme noir, les approches decoloniales, les etudes indigenes et les theories de capitalisme racial pour rectifier cette « ignorance coloniale » marquante. Il demontre que les formes « nouvelles » et « neoliberales » de controle national doivent se situer dans la longue duree globale de l'accumulation racialisee et coloniale par depossession. Nous associons les modes contemporains de maintien de l'ordre, d'incarceration, de controle migratoire et de surveillance a des formes anterieures d'assujettissement racial/colonial pour soutenir que contrer la violence du neoliberalisme exige davantage que des appels nostalgiques au retour du keynesianisme. Ce qu'il faut, c'est une abolition : non seulement de l'archipel carceral, mais aussi du systeme de capitalisme racial en lui-meme qui produit et depend de ces vecteurs globaux de violence organisee et d'abandon.

El encarcelamiento masivo, la brutalidad policial y los controles fronterizos forman parte de las experiencias cotidianas de las comunidades marginadas y racializadas de todo el mundo. Estudios recientes en RI, Sociologia y Geografia han examinado la prevalencia de estas practicas coercitivas a traves del prisma del neoliberalismo “disciplinario,” “penal” o “autoritario.” En este articulo, sostenemos que, si bien esta literatura puso en primer plano la dependencia del neoliberalismo de la violencia estatal, aun tiene que cuestionar la manera en que estas medidas carcelarias se vinculan a formas anteriores de ordenamiento racial global. Para rectificar este momento de “desconocimiento colonial,” el articulo recurre al feminismo negro, a los abordajes descoloniales, a los estudios indigenas y a las teorias del capitalismo racial. Demuestra que las formas “nuevas” y “neoliberales” de control interno se deben situar dentro de la longue duree global de la acumulacion por desposesion racializada y colonial. Al trazar un mapa de los modos contemporaneos de vigilancia policial, encarcelamiento, control de la migracion y vigilancia sobre las formas anteriores de subyugacion racial-colonial, sostenemos que contrarrestar la violencia del neoliberalismo requiere algo mas que apelaciones nostalgicas de retorno al keynesianismo. Lo que se necesita es la abolicion, no solo del archipielago carcelario, sino tambien del propio sistema de capitalismo racial que produce y depende de estos vectores globales de violencia y abandono organizados.

Colonial Lives of the Carceral Archipelago: Rethinking the Neoliberal Security State

Climate change impacts natural and human systems, including migration patterns. But isolating climate change as the driver of migration oversimplifies a complex and multicausal phenomenon. This article brings together the literature on global migration and displacement, environmental migration, vulnerability and precarity, and borders and migration governance to examine the ways in which climate-induced migrants experience precarity in transit. Specifically, it assesses the literature on the ways in which states create or amplify precarity in multiple ways: through the use of categories, by externalizing borders, and through investments in border infrastructures. Overall, the paper suggests that given the shift from governance regimes purportedly based on protection and facilitation to regimes based on security, deterrence, and enforcement, borders are complicit in producing and amplifying the vulnerability of migrants. The phenomenon of climate migration is particularly explicative in demonstrating how these regimes, which categorize individuals based on why they move, are and will continue to be unable to manage future migration flows.

https://www.mdpi.com/2076-0760/8/7/198/pdf

Border and Migration Controls and Migrant Precarity in the Context of Climate Change

This paper conceptualizes the digitalization of foreign workers’ management as a gradual move by the state to phase out intermediaries and to reduce undocumented migration in Malaysia. The privatization of digital migration management to information technology (IT) firms is necessary in line with the centralization of all immigration functions. However, privatizing digital migration management has subject the employers and foreign workers to new non-state actors (IT firms and immigration service providers) while gradually eliminating the existing non-state actors (private agencies). The main theoretical question of the privatization of migration management concerns the role of immigration service providers as a result of digitalization. Using Malaysia as its case study, this paper highlights the need to re-conceptualize the role of service providers as “paper shifters” in providing front-line services, collecting agent services, and post office services and thus facilitating the online platform’s operations. This paper concludes that privatizing foreign worker management has not achieved the objectives of digitalization in reducing undocumented migration, eliminating intermediaries, improving efficiency, and reducing recruitment cost. The state’s privatization framework based on the employer-pay-model has resulted in the commercialization and monopolization of the foreign worker industry. In order to achieve the benefits of digitalization, the process should be done by the government without any form of privatization. The analysis draws upon official documents, parliamentary debates, statements by trade associations and civil societies, newspaper articles, and secondary literature. Based on the media discourse analysis of online news media and document analysis of official publications, this thought piece article explores immigration service providers’ role in Malaysia’s migration management.

Digitalization of Migration Management in Malaysia: Privatization and the Role of Immigration Service Providers

This thesis reflects upon the anomalous rise of irregular migration into Canada near the town of Lacolle, Quebec and the response of the Canadian government in the context of prevalent networked communications. Conceiving of politics as performance, the research engages in a systematic content analysis of Canadian Press and Agence France Press coverage of arrivals through Lacolle to identify an official ‘institutional narrative’. Subsequently, I test this institutional narrative, which privileges the voices of Canadian political elites, establishing my own ‘narrative of encounter’ through analysis of a variety of legislation, policy, and internal documents obtained both publicly and through Canada’s Access to Information System. This produced novel insights regarding how the massive proliferation of networked communication has shaped possibilities for citizenship and authority at the Canadian border in many paradoxical and ironic ways.

Negotiating Citizenship: Mediatized Migration and the Canadian Data Border

This paper suggests that the use of digital and biometric technology in migration management creates an ecosystem that may mitigate the risks of unethical recruitment, malpractices by intermediaries, immigration law infringement, labor rights abuse and irregular migration. Digitalization is essential for migration governance, as it eliminates intermediaries, prevents exploitation by agents, reduces recruiting expenses, expedites the recruitment process and combats human trafficking. Using Malaysia as a case study, this research explores the technology-migration nexus and analyzes the state’s battle against irregular migrants in two aspects: Interior enforcement and foreign worker management. Digital technologies implemented with labor law reforms have facilitated an orderly, safe, regular and responsible migration as outlined in SDG 10.7. 

Digital technologies and migration management in Malaysia: The technology-migration nexus

Biometric technology is booming and is being developed in close cooperation between the IT and security industries, academics, engineers and social scientists, and governments around the world investing large sums of public funds to be part of the global biometric system of border control and surveillance The market analysis company “6Wresearch” announced in 2016 that the global biometrics market was “one of the key growing electronic security markets in the global landscape” and was projected to reach $ 21,9 billion by 2020. Increasing government spending, national ID projects, e-passports and visas, rising crime rates, growing terrorist activities, cyber crime, and data theft are seen as reasons for spurring the market for various biometric technologies globally.

The Body-Border. Governing Irregular Migration through Biometric Technology

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The Body-Border. Governing Irregular Migration through Biometric Technology