The social policy of the Federal Republic of Germany is based on a social norm of great authority: this society seeks to be a “social” order. It wants its polity to be social, and through its policies and laws to bring about and guarantee a state of affairs that deserves to be called “social.” This norm is so general that it cannot be adequately attested with a single piece of evidence. Rather, it is demonstrated by the totality of the political and legal development. It is grounded in a long and impressive history (Hockerts 1996, pp. 27–48; Stolleis 2013, German Social Policy, vol. 2), which after 1945 was initially picked up and vigorously carried forward by the Lander, and then in 1949 by the Federal Republic. By virtue of that continuity, this history constitutes an essential – and today presumably the most important – component of German identity (Ritter 1998b). At the same time, it is reinforced by the international embeddedness in a community of states whose economically developed and liberal-democratic members feel committed to the ideal of the welfare state (Ritter 1991; Schmid 1996, 1998), and who have also carried this ideal into the international community of states itself through shared institutions and norms (Kohler 1988; Schuler 1988). The law picks up this norm of the social above all in the social goal of the state and in the elevated ranking that it accords this goal (Zacher 1987a, pp. 1045–1111).

https://www.springer.com/cda/content/document/cda_downloaddocument/9783642225246-c2.pdf?SGWID=0-0-45-1353118-p174132410

Social Policy in the Federal Republic of Germany: The Constitution of the Social

This article critically discusses the intellectual and conceptual shifts that have occurred in information society theories (and also policies) in the previous four decades. We will examine the topic by focusing on the work of Daniel Bell and Manuel Castells, arguably two of the most important information society theorists. A key element in the academic shift from “post-industrial” (Bell) thinking to the discourse on “network society” (Castells) is that it has brought forward a different way of understanding the role of the state vis-a-vis the development of new information and communication technologies, as well as a new assessment of the role of the state in the economy and society at large. Against the Keynesian undertones of Bell’s ideas, Castells’ network society theory represents a neoliberally restructured version of “information society” that is associated with the rise of flexibility, individuality and a new culture of innovation. We argue that these changing discourses on the information society have served a definite hegemonic function for political elites, offering useful ideals and conceptions for forming politics and political compromises in different historical conjunctures. We conclude the article by looking at how the on-going global economic crisis and neoliberalism’s weakening hegemonic potential and turn to austerity and authoritarian solutions challenges existing information society theories.

/pdf/from-post-industrial-to-network-society-and-beyond-the-1ez8ar9dbe.pdf

From ‘Post-Industrial’ to ‘Network Society’ and Beyond: The Political Conjunctures and Current Crisis of Information Society Theory

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to construct a possible future scenario for South Africa in Africa using the backcast approach.Design/methodology/approach – The methodology followed is to present a brief political and economic history of African colonization and de‐colonization, globalisation and the rise of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICs). Strengths and weaknesses are discussed and used to sketch a desired future scenario from which the backcast is constructed.Findings – It is suggested that the optimal future is one involving SADC‐MERCOSUR alliance with South Africa and Brazil as the respective leadersResearch limitations/implications – A study of this kind is necessarily speculative.Practical implications – The paper alerts policy makers to the threats and opportunities inherent in south‐south dialogue.Social implications – The prospect of collaboration holds promise of social upliftment in the region.Originality/value – The arguments are original to the author.

The fall of the Wall, the rise of the BRICs and the new Scramble for Africa

Not too long ago, Muller (1988) found a mutually beneficial relationship between democracy and egalitarian income distribution. Countries that had been ruled democratically for a long time tended to be more egalitarian; and more equality, in turn, stabilized democracy. However, the data he used covered in large part the third quarter of the 20 th century – a period that has been characterized as the ‘golden age’ (Hobsbawm 1995). During this time, most industrial democracies grew not only more affluent but also became more egalitarian (Judt 2007: ch. 10-11). However, since the late 1970s and early 1980s, this trend towards equality has been reversed. First in AngloSaxon, then in other advanced democracies, incomes began to grow apart (Atkinson/Piketty 2007; Brandolini/Smeeding 2008). According to the OECD, most member countries have witnessed an increase in inequality between the mid-1980s and today (OECD 2008). In light of these developments, Alderson and Nielsen (2002) speak of the ‘great U-turn’ of income inequality.

Affluence, Inequality and Satisfaction with Democracy

This article analyzes the European crisis and the reconfiguration of neoliberal governance in light of efforts to deepen integration via what European Union President Manuel Barroso (2010) called a...

Transnational Class Formations, European Crisis and the Silent Revolution:

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Age of extremes