Acknowledgments Preface to the Fourth Edition 1. The Strange Enigma of Race in Contemporary America 2. The New Racism: The U.S. Racial Structure Since the 1960s 3. The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism 4. The Style of Color Blindness: How to Talk Nasty about Minorities without Sounding Racist 5. "I Didn't Get That Job Because of a Black Man": Color-Blind Racism's Racial Stories 6. Peeking Inside the (White) House of Color Blindness: The Significance of Whites' Segregation 7. Are All Whites Refined Archie Bunkers? An Examination of White Racial Progressives 8. Are Blacks Color Blind, Too? 9. E Pluribus Unum, or the Same Old Perfume in a New Bottle? On the Future of Racial Stratification in the United States 10 Race Matters in Obamerica: The Sweet (but Deadly) Enchantment of Color Blindness in Black Face Contents 11 "The (Color-Blind) Emperor Has No Clothes": Exposing the Whiteness of Color Blindness Bibliography Index About the Author

Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America

The events of 9/11 appeared to make good on Ulrich Beck's claim that we are now living in a (global) risk society. Examining what it means to ‘govern through risk’, this article departs from Beck's thesis of risk society and its appropriation in security studies. Arguing that the risk society thesis problematically views risk within a macro-sociological narrative of modernity, this article shows, based on a Foucauldian account of governmentality, that governing terrorism through risk involves a permanent adjustment of traditional forms of risk management in light of the double infinity of catastrophic consequences and the incalculability of the risk of terrorism. Deploying the Foucauldian notion of ‘dispositif’, this article explores precautionary risk and risk analysis as conceptual tools that can shed light on the heterogeneous practices that are defined as the ‘war on terror’.

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Governing Terrorism Through Risk: Taking Precautions, (un)Knowing the Future:

LIBERALISM: UNMASKING REASONABLE RACISM22 Because of the curious way in which liberalism’s principles are used in the post–civil rights era, other analysts label modern racial ideology “laissez-fare racism” or “competitive racism” or argue that modern racism is essentially a combination of the “American Creed” with antiblack resentment.23 The importance of this frame is evident in that whites use it on issues ranging from affirmative action and interracial friendship and marriage to neighborhood and residential segregation. Because of the pivotal role played by this frame in organizing whites’ racial views, I provide numerous examples below. 13_151_Bonilla_Silva.indb 78 6/27/13 4:46 AM The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism 79 Rationalizing Racial Unfairness in the Name of Equal Opportunity An archetype of how white students use the notion of equal opportunity in an abstract manner to oppose racial fairness is Sue, a student at SU. When asked if minority students should be provided unique opportunities to be admitted into universities, Sue stated: I don’t think that they should be provided with unique opportunities. I think that they should have the same opportunities as everyone else. You know, it’s up to them to meet the standards and whatever that’s required for entrance into universities or whatever. I don’t think that just because they’re a minority that they should, you know, not meet the requirements, you know. Sue, like most whites, ignored the effects of past and contemporary discrimination on the social, economic, and educational status of minorities. Therefore, by supporting equal opportunity for everyone without a concern for the savage inequalities between whites and blacks, Sue’s stance safeguards white privilege. Sue even used the notion of equal opportunity to avoid explaining why blacks tend to perform worse than whites academically: “I don’t know . . . um, like I said, I don’t see it as a group thing. I see it more as an individual [thing] and I don’t know why as a whole they don’t do better. I mean, as I see it, they have the same opportunity and everything. They should be doing equal.” College students are not the only ones who use this abstract notion of equal opportunity to justify their racial views. For example, Eric, a corporate auditor in his forties, and a very affable man who seemed more tolerant than most members of his generation (e.g., he had dated a black woman for three years, recognized that discrimination happens “a lot” and identified multiple examples, and even said that “the system is . . . is white”), erupted in anger when asked if reparations were due to blacks for the injuries caused by slavery and Jim Crow: “Oh tell them to shut up, OK! I had nothing to do with the whole situation. The opportunity is there, there is no reparation involved and let’s not dwell on it. I’m very opinionated about that!” After suggesting that Jews and Japanese are the ones who really deserve reparation, Eric added, “But something that happened three God-damned generations ago, what do you want us to do about it now? Give them opportunity, give them scholarships, but reparations?” Was Eric just a white with a “principled opposition” to government intervention (see chapter 1 for analysts who make this claim)? This does not seem to be the case since Eric, like most whites, made a distinction between government spending on behalf of victims of child abuse, the homeless, and battered women (whom whites deem as legitimate candidates for assistance) and government spending on blacks (whom whites deem as unworthy candidates for assistance). This finding was consistent 13_151_Bonilla_Silva.indb 79 6/27/13 4:46 AM

Racism without Racists

Risk and the War on Terror

At least 5.6 million to 8 million--nearly one in five--older adults in America have one or more mental health and substance use conditions, which present unique challenges for their care. With the number of adults age 65 and older projected to soar from 40.3 million in 2010 to 72.1 million by 2030, the aging of America holds profound consequences for the nation. For decades, policymakers have been warned that the nation's health care workforce is ill-equipped to care for a rapidly growing and increasingly diverse population. In the specific disciplines of mental health and substance use, there have been similar warnings about serious workforce shortages, insufficient workforce diversity, and lack of basic competence and core knowledge in key areas. Following its 2008 report highlighting the urgency of expanding and strengthening the geriatric health care workforce, the IOM was asked by the Department of Health and Human Services to undertake a complementary study on the geriatric mental health and substance use workforce. The Mental Health and Substance Use Workforce for Older Adults: In Whose Hands? assesses the needs of this population and the workforce that serves it. The breadth and magnitude of inadequate workforce training and personnel shortages have grown to such proportions, says the committee, that no single approach, nor a few isolated changes in disparate federal agencies or programs, can adequately address the issue. Overcoming these challenges will require focused and coordinated action by all.

The Mental Health and Substance Use Workforce for Older Adults: In Whose Hands?

The purpose of the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA) in the US was to provide job training and other services to youth and adults facing serious barriers to employment. However, the track record of US training programs indicates that they have failed to improve the employment and earnings of participants. This chapter looks at why training has failed. It concludes that the most productive direction for employment policy to take is to 'abandon the search for supply-side solutions and concentrate instead on the demand side of the labour market'. Furthermore, the most important skill for working people to acquire is the solidarity required for collective mobilisation.

What is 'skill'?: training for discipline in the low-wage labour market

Excerpt] In January 2015, Tennessee’s Republican governor, Bill Haslam, unveiled a proposal to expand his state’s Medicaid program to provide health insurance to two hundred thousand low-income residents. At the time, Haslam was at the peak of his power: he had just won reelection with 70 percent of the vote and had been named to head the Republican Governors Association. Haslam insisted that his plan was “not Obamacare”; indeed, he had gained concessions from the Obama administration allowing him to write conservative requirements into the program. His Republican colleagues—who controlled both houses of the legislature—supported his proposal, based partly on polling showing widespread voter approval. And yet none of this was enough. An advocacy group funded by the billionaire Koch brothers, Americans for Prosperity (AFP), sent field organizers into the state, ran weeks of advertising, and staged demonstrations insisting that any Medicaid expansion whatsoever amounted to “a vote for Obamacare.” Republican caucus chair Glen Casada termed AFP’s campaign “politics of intimidation.” But it worked; the governor’s bill was defeated. Declaring victory, an AFP spokesman warned that “other governors [should] look at Tennessee as an example.” The Tennessee experience raises important questions about American politics and the forces that shape Americans’ economic lives. How could an outside advocacy group overturn the will of elected officials and their constituents? What led a corporate-backed group to undermine its Republican allies? Why would the Koch brothers, whose primary interests are in the oil industry, care enough about Medicaid to bankroll this type of campaign? And finally, if corporate lobbies have the power to do what they did in Tennessee, what else could they do? In what other ways might they be trying to rewrite the rules that govern our economy? In answering these questions, this book aims to show how America’s most powerful corporate lobbies are working to remake the country’s economy in ways that will affect all Americans profoundly—and yet are largely invisible to most of us. Understanding these forces’ legislative agenda is essential to comprehending America’s current political and economic trajectory. Because this agenda has been enacted in state legislatures rather 4han the U.S. Congress, it is state-level initiatives that form the subject of this book.

The One Percent Solution: How Corporations Are Remaking America One State at a Time

In 2001, graduate students at New York University made history when they won recognition for the first graduate student union at a private university. To accomplish this feat, students had to overcome the political and legal opposition of virtually every elite school in the country. In a series of hearings before the National Labor Relations Board, arguments opposing the union were voiced not only by NYU’s own administration but by those of Yale, Princeton, Columbia, MIT, Stanford, Johns Hopkins, Boston University, the American Association of Universities, the American Council on Education, and the Council on Graduate Schools (332 NLRB No. 111). In a series of landmark rulings, the Labor Board rejected the arguments of these scions of higher education, and opened the door to a new wave of organizing on the nation’s campuses. The fact that the entire organizational leadership of elite higher education mobilized against the NYU union indicates the scale of what was at stake in this fight. In fact, however, the NYU decision was only one of several recent decisions that have marked a seachange in academic labor relations. In the past three years, officials in California, Illinois, and Pennsylvania have all issued rulings similar to that of the NYU case. These rulings have helped spur an unprecedented boom in graduate student organizing. Within three months of the NYU union winning recognition, unions were voted in by lopsided margins at both Temple University and Michigan State University; and new organizing drives were announced at Penn State and the University of Pennsylvania. In the year and a half since the NYU decision, unions have been voted in at Columbia and Brown, and an NLRB election has been held at Tufts. In July 2002, recognizing the trend of Board rulings, Cornell University waived its right to contest its graduate students’ employee status and agreed to begin negotiations immediately following a Board election. These activities come on the heels of what was

Graduate Student Unions Organizing in a Changed Academic Economy

This paper offers a theoretical framework for understanding both the invasion of Iraq and the “war on terror” in the context of neoliberal globalization. I argue that both the foreign and domestic policy pursued by the Bush administration under the rubric of the war on terror are in fact best understood as strategies for advancing the neoliberal agenda, in large part by seeking to undo gains made by the labor movement during the 1990s. I argue that for this ambitious and aggressive administration, the post‐9/11 atmosphere offers the prospect of permanently restructuring both popular expectations of government and the ability of working people to challenge corporate prerogatives.

Neoliberalism by other means: the “war on terror” at home and abroad

The Politics of Job Training: Urban Poverty and the False Promise of JTPA

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