Drawing on classical development theory and recent theoretical advances on the connection between expanding markets and technological developments, this book shows the critical role of expanding Atlantic commerce in the successful completion of England's industrialization process over the period 1650–1850. The contribution of Africans, the central focus of the book, is measured in terms of the role of diasporic Africans in large-scale commodity production in the Americas - of which expanding Atlantic commerce was a function - at a time when demographic and other socioeconomic conditions in the Atlantic basin encouraged small-scale production by independent populations, largely for subsistence. This is the first detailed study of the role of overseas trade in the Industrial Revolution. It revises inward-looking explanations that have dominated the field in recent decades, and shifts the assessment of African contribution away from the debate on profits.

/pdf/africans-and-the-industrial-revolution-in-england-a-study-in-f25mctk968.pdf

Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development

In markets with avoidable fixed costs, the core may be empty. I argue that a reason for collusion is to impose an equilibrium where none exists. I set up a framework for deriving testable implications from the model and compare those implications with those of a cartel model. I compare the two models empirically with data from liner shipping conferences, legal collusive agreements that have been in force for over a century, and I conclude that the evidence supports the theory of the core.

Collusion in Ocean Shipping: A Test of Monopoly and Empty Core Models

Professor Engerman constructs estimates of relevant data in order to test the assertion that profits from the slave trade provided the capital which financed the Industrial Revolution in England.

The Slave Trade and British Capital Formation in the Eighteenth Century: A Comment on the Williams Thesis *

Historians of slavery and the slave trade have often left us with the impression that the slave trade was fantastically profitable. The view that it was the profits from the slave trade which financed the British Industrial Revolution and the first industrialization of the United States appears to be gaining adherents. These interpretations seem plausible enough on the surface; indeed, the latter provides part of the historical foundation for the claim by black militants for reparations. Black slaves, whether shipped directly from Africa, or born in the New World into slavery, served their masters against their wills in return for the subsistence allowed them. Surely there was a substantial difference between the value of what they produced and the value of the consumption goods allotted to them to allow survival.

The Fishers of Men: The Profits of the Slave Trade

Preface and acknowledgements 1. Introduction and overview Part I. Measuring Comparative Productivity Performance: 2. The contribution of services to the productivity performance of the whole economy 3. Comparative productivity performance in market services 4. A sectoral data base: Britain, the United States and Germany, 1870-1990 Part II. Explaining Comparative Productivity Performance: 5. Technology, organisational change and the industrialisation of services 6. Investment in physical and human capital 7. Competition and the institutional framework Part III. Reassessing the Performance of British Market Services: 8. The 'golden age' of British commerce, 1850-1914 9. The collapse of the liberal world economic order, 1914-50 10. Completing the industrialisation of services, 1950-90 11. British services in the 1990s: a preliminary assessment 12. Summary and conclusions Bibliography.

Market Services and the Productivity Race, 1850-2000: British Performance in International Perspective

Blue funnel : a history of Alfred Holt and Company of Liverpool from 1865 to 1914

The Senior John Samuel Swire 1825--98 Management in Far Eastern Shipping Trades

The commercial -and financial crisis of 1793 is a most interesting, though small, part of the cyclical pattern which steadily recurs, first in the British economy and then with widening regularity throughout the world, from the end of the war of American Independence to the present century.2 The year I793 was undoubtedly a turning point in this cyclical pattern; it was a trough year, and in the evidence supplied by A. F. Burns and W. C. Mitchell it is marked as such between the peak years of I792 and 1796. It is in the scale of the decline, in the isolation of particular factors and in the nature of the recovery that interest attaches to this crisis. Mercantile communities in various parts of the country suffered disproportionately; some recovered more quickly than others. In no great trading centre were the losses more severe than in Liverpool ; in no place were such energetic measures adopted to achieve a rapid recovery. An analysis of crisis conditions in Liverpool, the major exporting port for the Midlands and the North Country, can, it is hoped, provide much useful information for the economist and for the economic historian, and throw into relief some of the local factors tending to aggravate fluctuations in the history of the trade cycle. Contemporary opinions on the causes of the crisis adduced a varying range of phenomena. The Report of the House

https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdfplus/2549608.pdf

The Port of Liverpool and the Crisis of 1793

T HE slave trade provides valuable material for the investigations of the economic historian and, whether its profitability can be determined or not, a study of the surviving records opens up many new lines of approach to the complex interaction of financial forces governing the pattern of Britain's trade and economic development in the eighteenth century. The importance of the many aspects of the slave trade in the economic growth of a flourishing commercial centre such as Liverpool has tended to be misrepresented; the nature of the trade has been misunderstood and its profitability frequently exaggerated. Yet no one who wishes to study the economic history of Liverpool from the point of view of the growth of its industrial, banking, insurance and shipping connexions can ignore the direct influence of the slave trade in the originating and fostering of many of its economic institutions. It is the purpose of this paper to put forward, from an analysis of recently acquired manuscript sources,2 some new considerations respecting the nature and profitability of the Liverpool slave trade in relation to the commercial prosperity of the port. The profitability of the Liverpool slave trade cannot be considered without a survey of its structure. The estimates of individual profits submitted by a representative of Liverpool merchants before the regulation of the trade in I 7883 and those of aggregate profitability made by nineteenth-century historians were based on an over-simplified view of the trade.4 Later writers have not generally been in a position to correct the unrealistic conceptions of earlier writers. An analysis of actual accounts has shown that estimates of profit based on simple exchanges of cargo for negroes and negroes for cash, are in fact misleading, even when receipts from sales of negroes have been adjusted for expenses which some nineteenth-century historians overlooked.5 The complexities arising from the diversity of the trade are ignored and accordingly the

The nature and profitability of the liverpool slave trade

Liverpool and the Mersey. The Development of a Port, 1700-1970.

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