The Political Consciousness of Post-Industrialism@@@The Silent Revolution: Changing Values and Political Styles among Western Publics.

The course is focused on historical texts, most of them philosophical. Context for understanding the texts and the course of democratic development will be provided in lecture and discussions, and by some background readings (Dunn). We begin with the remarkable Athenian democracy, and its frequent enemy the Spartan oligarchy. In Athens legislation was passed directly by an assembly of all citizens, and executive officials were selected by lot rather than by competitive election. Athenian oligarchs such as Plato more admired Sparta, and their disdain for the democracy became the judgment of the ages, until well after the modern democratic revolutions. Marsilius of Padua in the early Middle Ages argued for popular sovereignty. The Italian citystates of the Middle Ages did without kings, and looked back to Rome and Greece for republican models. During the English Civil War republicans debated whether the few or the many should be full citizens of the regime. The English, French, and American revolutions struggled with justifying and establishing a representative democracy suitable for a large state, and relied on election rather than lot to select officials. The English established a constitutional monarchy, admired in Europe, and adapted by the Americans in their republican constitution. The American Revolution helped inspire the French, and the French inspired republican and democratic revolution throughout Europe during the 19 century.

/pdf/democracy-and-its-critics-2zxg086s7q.pdf

Democracy and Its Critics

Why Men Rebel was first published in 1970 on the heels of a decade of political violence and protest not only in remote corners of Africa and Southeast Asia, but also at home in the United States. Forty years later, the world is riveted on uprisings in the Middle East, and the United States has been overtaken by a focus on international terrorism and a fascination with citizen movements at home and abroad. Do the arguments of 1970 apply today? Why Men Rebel lends new insight into contemporary challenges of transnational recruitment and organization, multimedia mobilization, and terrorism.

Why Men Rebel

Many fear that democracies are suffering from a legitimacy crisis. This book focuses on 'democratic deficits', reflecting how far the perceived democratic performance of any state diverges from public expectations. Pippa Norris examines the symptoms by comparing system support in more than fifty societies worldwide, challenging the pervasive claim that most established democracies have experienced a steadily rising tide of political disaffection during the third-wave era. The book diagnoses the reasons behind the democratic deficit, including demand (rising public aspirations for democracy), information (negative news about government) and supply (the performance and structure of democratic regimes). Finally, Norris examines the consequences for active citizenship, for governance and, ultimately, for democratization. This book provides fresh insights into major issues at the heart of comparative politics, public opinion, political culture, political behavior, democratic governance, political psychology, political communications, public policymaking, comparative sociology, cross-national survey analysis and the dynamics of the democratization process.

Democratic Deficit: Critical Citizens Revisited

When the leader of an autocratic regime loses power, one of three things happens. The incumbent leadership group is replaced by democratically elected leaders. Someone from the incumbent leadership group replaces him, and the regime persists. Or the incumbent leadership group loses control to a different group that replaces it with a new autocracy. Much scholarship exists on the first kind of transition, but little on transitions from one autocracy to another, though they make up about half of all regime changes. We introduce a new data set that facilitates the investigation of all three kinds of transition. It provides transition information for the 280 autocratic regimes in existence from 1946 to 2010. The data identify how regimes exit power, how much violence occurs during transitions, and whether the regimes that precede and succeed them are autocratic. We explain the data set and show how it differs from currently available data. The new data identify autocratic regime breakdowns regardless of whether the country democratizes, which makes possible the investigation of why the ouster of dictators sometimes leads to democracy but often does not, and many other questions. We present a number of examples to highlight how the new data can be used to explore questions about why dictators start wars and why autocratic breakdown sometimes results in the establishment of a new autocratic regime rather than democratization. We discuss the implications of these findings for the Arab Spring.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S1537592714000851

Autocratic breakdown and regime transitions: A new data set

Die Bundestagswahl 2002

The Welfare State: The Equality Dimension

Bei der Transformation des sozialistischen Systems der DDR in ein marktwirtschaftlich-demokratisches System spielt die Sozialpolitik eine besondere Rolle. Das westdeutsche System der Sozialpolitik — der Sozialstaat — wird eingesetzt, um die mit der Transformation verbundenen sozialen und okonomischen Kosten, insbesondere den dramatischen Verlust von Arbeitsplatzen abzufedern (Schmahl 1992: 41ff.; Offe 1994: 95). Als mittelbares Ziel des Einsatzes dieser sozialpolitischen Masnahmen kann die Schaffung von Akzeptanz fur die Systemumstellung gelten (Schmahl 1992: 43), und das heist letztlich, die Herausbildung von Unterstutzung fur das demokratische System der Bundesrepublik.

Sozialpolitische Orientierungen nach der deutschen Vereinigung

La mise en place de structures d'economie de marche dans l'ex-R.D.A. pose le probleme de l'existence d'une culture de l'economie de marche en ce qui concerne les ressortissants de ce pays, c'est-a-dire de l'existence de comportements et d'orientations culturelles congruentes avec les structures de l'economie de marche. L'A. analyse un certain nombre de donnees collectees en Allemagne de l'Ouest et de l'Est en 1990 donc apres la reunification allemande. Ces donnees montrent que les allemands de l'Est comme ceux de l'Ouest, etaient dans leur majorite favorables a l'economie de marche mais qu'ils manifestaient dans le meme temps un certain nombre d'attentes concernant le role de l'Etat qui relevaient d'une vision planifiee de l'economie. Leur culture economique apparait ainsi comme un melange d'elements tires de l'economie de marche et d'autres de l'economie planifiee

Ideological Basis of the Market Economy: Attitudes Toward Distribution Principles and the Role of Government in Western and Eastern Germany

Citizens' support for social spending cuts is a central factor influencing the feasibility of retrenchment policy. According to representative surveys, only a small portion of Germans favour general cuts in social spending, whereas more people prefer cuts in specific social benefits, mainly those for minorities. East Germans show markedly less support for cuts in social spending than west Germans. Both sections of the population, however, give widespread support to cuts in policy areas other than social policy. Finally, the group of people favouring cuts in social spending do not reject the welfare state as such.

Shrinking the welfare state: Citizens' attitudes towards cuts in social spending in Germany in the 1990s

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