s, using “harm” as a keyword yielded only 54 “hits” as of January 2010 for the period 1960-2009. All but one publication (Sherman, 2007) concerned “self harm”; that is, the harm some people impose on themselves via self-mutilation or suicide. In reality, a few more publications discuss the harms of crime and specifically organized crime but undoubtedly a very limited number of scholars have so far dissected or compared these harms. A considerable literature has instead developed on two related concepts, namely, the perceived seriousness of crime (that is, ordinary people’s perceptions of the seriousness of crime) and the monetary costs of crime. In a lively—and sometimes acrimonious—debate about harm reduction in the drug policy community, several scholars have proposed frameworks to classify drug-related harms. We review these literatures below, starting from the least closely related to the harms of crime. 2.1. Perceived Seriousness of Crime Following the seminal research of Thorstein Sellin and Martin Wolfgang (1964), a number of predominantly North American studies have surveyed the perceived seriousness of crime. Typically, perceived seriousness is considered a function of the perceived consequences and perceived wrongfulness of an act (Stylianou, 2003: 42). This focus on harmfulness—termed “consequences”—and wrongfulness dates back to Warr (1989), who was the first to identify these two components of seriousness (see also O’Connell and Whelan, 1996: 299). Some consensus has been found in perceptions: persons of different socio-economic and cultural background within the societies surveyed tend, for example, to give similar rank-ordering to crimes (Stylianou, 2003). Despite the relevance of harmfulness in people’s perceptions of seriousness, public opinion polls and surveys provide limited insight. The possibility of factual misjudgment and a lack of reflection on the criteria for judging known facts diminish the value of these instruments. First, people may believe that a crime involves greater risk of violence than it does or may underestimate the negative effects of other crimes. Second, in judging the harmfulness of a crime, they may refer only to some criteria, for instance, material damages, while neglecting some others, such as psychological damages (Von

A Framework to Assess the Harms of Crimes

https://www.usna.edu/EconDept/RePEc/usn/wp/usnawp30.pdf

If supply-oriented drug policy is broken, can harm reduction help fix it? Melding disciplines and methods to advance international drug-control policy.

This article examines the perspectives of a select group of 41 adult Canadian cannabis users on the decriminalization and legalization of cannabis. The research departs from previous research on cannabis use by focusing on employed adults working in a variety of occupations, including white-collar professionals and graduate students, who use cannabis for nonmedical, recreational purposes. Drawing on in-depth interview data, we explore their perspectives on Canadian law and legal policy and on the possible impact of cannabis reform policies on their own cannabis consumption. Overall, the vast majority of interview participants strongly favored the legalization of cannabis use for the following reasons: (a) prohibition is unjust, (b) economic benefits, (c) reducing violent crime associated with the drug trade, (d) reducing the cost of the criminal justice system, (e) increased safety, and (f) reducing the stigma associated with cannabis use. We conclude by discussing the implications of our research for the...

Perspectives on Cannabis Legalization Among Canadian Recreational Users

Since its institutionalization as an autonomous discipline in the late 19th century, criminology’s main project has been identifying the causes of crime. The project began when Cesare Lombroso, the “father” of criminology, applied the methods of the natural sciences to explain why some individuals commit crime (e.g., Fijnaut, 2014). Building on L’Uomo Delinquente (Lombroso, 1876), the ensuing literature has greatly enhanced our understanding of the problem of crime, its causes, and its links to the broader societal context (e.g., Merton, 1938; Hirschi, 1969; Sampson, 2013; Wikstrom et. 2013). Nonetheless, it is fair to say that the “Lombrosian project” (Garland, 2002) remains unfulfilled. A quick skim of any criminological handbook aptly demonstrates a lack of consensus on the causes of crime (e.g., Newburn, 2007; Cullen, Agnew and Wilcox, 2013 and Fijnaut, 2014).

/pdf/starting-from-the-end-a-plea-for-focusing-on-the-v1g635p47u.pdf

Starting from the End: A Plea for Focusing on the Consequences of Crime

https://biblio.ugent.be/publication/3229068/file/3229075.pdf

Assessing the harms of cannabis cultivation in Belgium

The reduction of drug-related harm: A conceptual framework for theory, practice and research

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The reduction of drug-related harm: A conceptual framework for theory, practice and research