https://cornerstone.lib.mnsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1139&context=speaker-gavel

Meta-Analysis of Research on the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse

This study performed content analysis on the general election TV spots from Democratic nominee Barack Obama and Republican nominee John McCain in the 2008 presidential campaign. There was no significant difference in function by incumbency, which is not surprising given that neither major party candidates was the sitting president or vice president. Unlike ads from previous years, these ads contained more attacks (65%) than acclaims (34%; and like earlier campaigns few defenses: 1%). These ads stressed policy (58%) more than character (42%). The Democratic candidate, as in previous elections, discussed policy more, and character less, than the Republican candidate. Both candidates had a tendency to discuss Democratic issues generally (and the economy and jobs in particular), but Obama stressed Democratic issues more, and Republican issues less, than McCain. This essay ends with discussion of some of the unique features of the 2008 general presidential campaign. Key Terms: 2008 general election, TV advertising, Obama, McCain, functions, topics, issue ownership Introduction The 2008 race for the White House had a number of unusual features. For the first time, an African-American, Barack Obama, was nominated to represent one of the two major political parties–and, for the first time, an AfricanAmerican was elected president. For only the second time – and the first time in the Republican party – a woman was chosen as the vice presidential candidate (Governor Sarah Palin) for one of the two major parties. For the first time since 1952, no candidate was a sitting president or vice president. In 2008, candidates for the American presidency raised over one billion dollars (Center for Responsive Politics, 2009). Senator Barack Obama spent over $235 million on television advertising; Senator John McCain spent over $125 million (New York Times, 2008), a new record for presidential candidate advertising spending (these figures include both primary and general campaign spending). Part of this increase in spending (which meant more TV spots were broadcast, including a 30 minute spot aired by Obama near the end of the campaign) occurred because Obama was the first candidate in history to decline federal campaign funds for the general election. This meant he could spend more than the $84 million limit; he could spend as much as he could raise. This study investigates the general election television spots of Obama and McCain, using Functional Theory. The main purpose of the study is to extend previous research, which has analyzed general election presidential TV spots from 1952 through 2004 (see Benoit, 2007) to include 2008, but also to study the ads from this campaign. 1 Benoit and Glantz: A Functional Analysis of 2008 General Election Presidential TV Sp Published by Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato, 2012 2 Speaker & Gavel 2012 It is important to realize that political ads are not equally persuasive – nor is a given spot equally effective with all viewers. However, meta-analysis has established that political advertising can have significant effects on viewers. Benoit, Leshner, and Chattopadhyay (2007) found that political spots increased issue knowledge, influenced perceptions of the candidates’ character, changed attitudes toward candidates, affected candidate preference (vote choice), and affected vote-likelihood (turn-out). Other meta-analyses (Allen & Burrell 2002; Lau, Sigelman, & Rovner, 2007) have found no significant differences in the effects of negative versus positive ads. Clearly political television ads – both positive and negative – can affect viewers and merit scholarly attention. Literature Review Presidential television advertising was first employed in 1952 in the campaign featuring Dwight Eisenhower and Adlai Stephenson (Benoit, 1999). Because this message form has such a prominent place in presidential campaigns for over half a century it is not surprising that TV spots have attracted considerable scholarly attention. Books on political advertising include Ansolabehere and Iyengar (1995), Benoit (1999), Diamond and Bates (1992), Dover (2006), Goldstein and Strach (2004), Jamieson (1996), Johnson-Cartee and Copeland (1991, 1997), Kaid and Johnston (2001), Kahn and Kenney (1999), Kern (1989), Lau and Pomper (2004), Maisel and West (2004), Nelson and Boynton (1997), Nesbit (1988), Schultz (2004), Thurber, Nelson, and Dulio (2000), and West (2001). Overall, from 1952-2004 (Benoit, 2007; see also Kaid & Johnston, 2001), televised ads in the general election campaign tend to be positive: 57% acclaims (positive statements), 40% attacks (criticisms of opponent), and 1% defenses (refutations of attack). Incumbents tend to offer more acclaims (64% to 55%) and fewer attacks (35% to 44%) than challengers (Benoit, 2007). Historically, these ads discuss policy (problems amenable to governmental action, past and future governmental action) more than character (personality) at a rate of 62% to 38% (Benoit, 2007). However, again some differences have emerged on topic emphasis. Democrats as a group tend to discuss policy more (64% to 59%) and character less (36% to 41%) than Republicans (Benoit, 2007). Gronbeck (1992) discussed negative political ads, focusing on narrative in the 1988 presidential campaign. He argued this campaign broke with tradition. Instead of confining most negative advertising in the general campaign, he argued that the 1988 campaign was negative throughout. Geer (2006) offers a different perspective on attack ads. Geer shows that such ads are more likely to discuss policy than character and are more likely to include evidence than positive ads. For a general discussion of political advertising, see Kaid (2004). Kaid, Fernandes, and Painter (2011) investigated the effects of viewing TV spots from McCain and Obama on younger voters. Exposure occurred in October 2011. Participants learned more about the candidates’ issue positions than their personal qualities. These ads increased evaluations of Obama but decreased evaluations of McCain. Exposure to ads increased political information efficacy, which increased their confidence that they were equipped to participate in the political system. Perhaps consistent with that finding, these ads did not increase 2 Speaker & Gavel, Vol. 49, Iss. 1 [2012], Art. 2 http://cornerstone.lib.mnsu.edu/speaker-gavel/vol49/iss1/2 Speaker & Gavel 2012 3 political cynicism. The study also reported that females learned more than males about issues and character. Some research applied Functional Theory to other campaign messages besides advertising. Wicks et al. (2011) applied Functional Theory to campaign blogs in 2008. They found that candidates use blogs mainly for acclaims; political parties used them mainly for attacks, and that defenses were uncommon. Benoit, Henson, and Sudbrock (2011) analyzed presidential primary debates from 2008. Candidates used acclaims more than attacks, with defenses the least common function. They discussed policy more than character. Democrats emphasized Democratic issues more than Republicans, whereas Republicans discussed Republican issues more than Democrats (see Petrocik, 1996). Benoit et al. (2011) looked at the extent to which presidential candidates in the 2008 primary were consistent across message forms (“staying on message”). Candidate messages frequently varied across medium in tone, topic, and issue emphasis. Morris and Johnson (2011) applied van Eemeren and Grootendorst’s (2004a, 2004b) praga-dialectic perspective to investigate strategic maneuvering in the three general election debates of 2008). We have been unable to locate studies on the content of the 2008 general election TV spots. This study will content analyze TV spots from the 2008 presidential general election campaign using Functional Theory to see whether these trends continue. This paper first describes Functional Theory (and develops predictions and research questions), describes the method employed, reports results, and then discusses the findings. Functional Theory The Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse was developed by Benoit and his associates through a series of studies (see, e.g., Benoit, 1999, 2007; Benoit et al., 1998, 2003). The most thorough overview can be found in Benoit (2007). Functional Theory posits citizens vote for the candidate who appears preferable on the criteria considered most important to each voter (Benoit, 2007). Candidates can demonstrate their desirability in three ways. First, the candidate can engage in acclaiming or self-praise. The greater the benefits or advantages of one candidate, the more likely that person will appear preferable to voters, compared with opponents. Second, candidates can attack or criticize opponents; as voters become aware of more costs or disadvantages of opponents, those competitors should appear less desirable to voters (of course, it is possible that the source of these attacks can experience a backlash from voters who dislike mudslinging). Finally, candidates who have been the target of attack can defend against (refute) those attacks. The fewer and smaller the costs or disadvantages, the more likely a candidate will appear preferable to opponents. These three options can be seen as roughly similar to cost-benefit analysis, providing information that can help persuade the voter to prefer one candidate (we do not claim that voters systematically quantify the impact of acclaims, attacks, or defenses or perform mathematical calculations to decide their vote choice; acclaims tend to increase one’s benefits, attacks may increase an opponent’s costs, and defenses can reduce one’s costs). For example, research on 3 Benoit and Glantz: A Functional Analysis of 2008 General Election Presidential TV Sp Published by Cornerstone: A Collection of Scholarly and Creative Works for Minnesota State University, Mankato, 2012 4 Speaker & Gavel 2

/pdf/a-functional-analysis-of-2008-general-election-presidential-11nq8wul6s.pdf

A Functional Analysis of 2008 General Election Presidential TV Spots

Most research on political advertising focuses on television spots aired in the race for the presidency. However, far more political commercials are broadcast in races for other offices. This study applies the Functional Theory of political campaign discourse to 1032 nonpresidential 2004 broadcast campaign advertisements for 188 candidates in 41states: 209 gubernatorial spots, 496 U.S. senate spots, and 327 U.S. house spots. We investigated the functions (acclaims, attacks, and defenses) and topics (policy, character) for the entire sample. Then we considered the relationship of the functions and topics with other variables: incumbency (incumbent, challenger, open-seat), political party affiliation (Democrat, Republican), campaign phase (primary, general), medium (television, radio), sponsor (candidate, party, other), office (governor, U.S. Senate, U.S. House), and outcome (winners, losers).

Non-Presidential Political Advertising in Campaign 2004

/pdf/negative-political-advertising-and-the-charge-of-4vxwzvvbkh.pdf

Negative political advertising and the charge of inconsistency : the rhetoric of "flip-flop" arguments

The American presidential campaign in 2008 saw a sharp upturn in attacks in advertising: Was that an anomalous result or does in presage a trend in presidential advertising? Notably, the increase in negativity in TV spots was not accompanied by an increase in attacks in other media, such as televised debates. The 2012 American presidential general election featured Democratic incumbent Barack Obama and Republican challenger Mitt Romney. In sharp contrast to earlier campaigns (those prior to 2008), the two candidates combined used more attacks (66%) than acclaims (32%); this essay argues that this shift reflects a sea change in presidential election advertising prompted by the rising costs of presidential campaigns and candidates’ recent decision to decline federal campaign financing and raise money throughout the campaign.

Functions and Topics of 2012 American Presidential Advertising: AnIncrease in Attacks?

Chapter 1 Introduction and General Overview Chapter 2 Elections with Strong Incumbents: 1984 to 1996 Chapter 3 Elections with Weak Incumbents: 1980 and 1992 Chapter 4 Elections with Surrogate Incumbents: 1988 to 2000 Chapter 5 The 2004 Election: Nomination Campaigns Chapter 6 The 2004 Election: The Bush Campaign Chapter 7 The 2004 Election: The Kerry Campaign Chapter 8 Summary and Interpretations

Images, Issues, and Attacks: Television Advertising by Incumbents and Challengers in Presidential Elections

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Images, Issues, and Attacks: Television Advertising by Incumbents and Challengers in Presidential Elections