Prefactory Note. Acknowledgments. 1. Preliminaries:. Background and Overview. Optimality. Overall Structure of the Argument. Overview of Part I. 2. Optimality in Grammar: Core Syllabification in Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber:. The Heart of Dell & Elmedlaoui. Optimality Theory. Summary of discussion to date. 3. Generalization--Forms in Domination Hierarchies IBlocking and Triggering: Profuseness and Economy:. Epenthetic Structure. Do Something Only When: The Failure of Bottom--up Constructionism. 4. Generalization--Forms in Domination Hierarchies IIDo Something Except When: Blocking, or The Theory of Profuseness:. Edge--Oriented Infixation. Interaction of Weight Effects with Extrametricality. Background: Prominence--Driven Stress Systems. The Interaction of Weight and Extrametricality: Kelkar's Hindi/Urdu. Nonfinality and Nonexhaustiveness. Nonfinality and the Laws of Foot Form: Raw Minimality. Nonfinality and the Laws of Foot Form:Extended Minimality Effects. Summary of Discussion of the Except When Effect. Except meets Only: Triggering and Blocking in a Single Grammar. 5. The Construction of Grammar in Optimality Theory:. Construction of Harmonic Orderings from Phonetic and Structural Scales. The Theory of Constraint Interaction. Comparison of Entire Candidates by a Single Constraint. Ons: Binary constraints. Hnuc: Non--binary constraints. Comparison of Entire Candidates by an Entire Constraint Hierarchy. Discussion. Non--locality of interaction. Strictness of domination. Serial vs. Parallel Harmony Evaluation and Gen. Binary vs. Non--binary constraints. Paoini's Theorem on Constraint Ranking. Overview of Part II. 6. Syllable Structure Typology I: the CV Theory:. The Jakobson Typology. The Faithfulness Interactions. Groundwork. Basic CV Syllable Theory. Onsets. Codas. The Theory of Epenthesis Sites. 7. Constraint Interaction in Lardil Phonology:. The Constraints. The Ranking. Some Ranking Logic. Ranking the Constraints. Verification of Forms. Consonant--Final Stems. Vowel Final Stems. Discussion. 8. Universal Syllable Theory II: Ordinal Construction of C/V and Onset/Coda Licensing Asymmetry:. Associational Harmony. Deconstructing Hnuc: Berber, Take 1. Restricting to Binary Marks. Reconstructing the C and V Classes: Emergent Parameter Setting via Constraint Ranking. Harmonic Completeness of Possible Onsets and Peaks. Peak-- and Margin--Affinity. Interactions with Parse. Restricting Deletion and Epenthesis. Further Necessary Conditions on Possible Onsets and Nuclei. Sufficient Conditions on Possible Onsets and Nuclei. The Typology of Onset, Nucleus, and Coda Inventories. The Typology of Onset and Nucleus Inventories. Onset/Coda Licensing Asymmetries. An Example: Berber, Take 2. Simplifying the Theory by Encapsulating Constraint Packages. Encapsulating the Association Hierarchies. An Example: Berber, Take 3. Sufficiency and Richness of the Encapsulated Theory. 9. Inventory Theory and the Lexicon:. Language--Particular Inventories. Harmonic Bounding and Nucleus, Syllable, and Word Inventories. Segmental Inventories. Universal Inventories. Segmental Inventories. Syllabic Inventories. Optimality in the Lexicon. 10. Foundational Issues and Theory--Comparisons:. Thinking about Optimality. Fear of Optimization. The Reassurance. The Connectionism Connection, and other Computation--based Comparisons. Why Optimality Theory has nothing to do with connectionism. Why Optimality Theory is deeply connected to connectionism. Harmony Maximization and Symbolic Cognition. Analysis of 'Phonotactics+Repair' Theories. CV Syllable Structure and Repair. General Structure of the Comparisons: Repair Analysis. Persistent Rule Theory. English Closed Syllable Shortening. Shona Tone Spreading. Summary. The Theory of Constraints and Repair Strategies. Appendix. A.1 The Cancellation and Cancellation/Domination Lemmas. A.2 CV Syllable Structure. A.3 Paoinia s Theorem on Constraint--ranking. References. Index of Constraints. Index of Languages. General Index

http://www.roozbehhormozi.persiangig.com/document/%5bAlan_Prince,_Paul_Smolensky%5d_Optimality_Theory_C(BookFi.org).pdf

Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar

/pdf/the-syntax-phonology-interface-s194a9d8p3.pdf

The Syntax‐Phonology Interface

The World Atlas of Language Structures Online

/pdf/the-prosodic-structure-of-function-words-1fvz3y2oul.pdf

The Prosodic Structure of Function Words

The authors present a model of the phonotactic and orthographic constraints of Australian and Standard Southern British English monosyllables. This model is used as the basis for a web-based psycholinguistic resource, the ARC Nonword Database, which contains 358,534 monosyllabic nonwords—48,534 pseudohomophones and 310,000 non-pseudohomophonic nonwords. Items can be selected from the ARC Nonword Database on the basis of a wide variety of properties known or suspected to be of theoretical importance for the investigation of reading.

358,534 nonwords: The ARC Nonword Database

One of the crucial ways in which prosodic structure governs the distribution of segments is in terms of sonority. By taking into account what is known′ as the sonority of segments, their arrangement within the syllable follows a clear pattern: the most sonorous segment occupies the peak position, while the less sonorous ones occur towards the margins, as observed in a wide range of literature (Jespersen 1904; Saussure 1916; Zwicky 1972; Hooper 1976; Kiparsky 1979, 1981; Lowenstamm 1981; Steriade 1982; Selkirk 1984; Clements 1990). This specific arrangement of segments within the syllable has been attributed in the previous literature to the principle of sonority sequencing, which relegates segments low in sonority towards syllable margins (see Hooper 1976; Kiparsky 1979, 1981; Steriade 1982; Selkirk 1984; Levin 1985; Clements 1990).

https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/S0952675700002396

Sonority constraints on syllable structure

While prosodic systems are typically either tonal or metrical, composite systems including both tone and metrical structure present yet another, albeit less frequent, possibility (Prince 1983, Hayes 1995). The focus of this paper is a prosodic system of the latter, more complex variety, evidenced in the Neo-stokavian dialect of Serbian or Croatian (henceforth NS; see Ivic 1958, 1985, Zec 1993). Although previously analysed as a pitch-accent system with no role allotted to the rhythmic structure (Browne & McCawley 1965, Ivic 1965, 1976, Halle 1971, Kenstowicz 1974, Lehiste & Ivic 1986, Inkelas & Zec 1988), on closer inspection NS discloses important resemblances with stress systems. Metrical structure is an independent agent in NS, as will be demonstrated here, and the entire prosodic system is characterised by a rich interplay between the tonal and metrical components.Co-presence of tone and foot structure may in principle result in several types of interfaces between these two components. Cases documented in the literature are of two types: those in which the distribution of tone is constrained by metrical constituency, and those in which constraints operate in the opposite direction. third type of case has also been documented. In Japanese, as analysed in Poser (1984, 1990), the accentual system is tonal in nature while various templatic phenomena call for an inventory of iambic feet, yet the two systems are independent of each other and do not interact. The former type is exemplified by a number of languages extensively discussed in the literature: Creek (Haas 1977, Halle & Vergnaud 1987), Kirundi (Goldsmith 1987, Goldsmith & Sabimana 1989, Hayes 1995), Seneca (Prince 1983: 82–86), Winnebago (Susman 1943, Miner 1979, 1981, 1989, Halle & Vergnaud 1987, Hayes 1995 and the references therein) and Ancient Greek (Golston 1989, Sauzet 1989). The other type of unilateral interactions, with the rhythmic structure dependent upon the distribution of tone, is instantiated, for example, by Golin (Bunn & Bunn 1970, Hayes 1995).In contrast, NS presents a case of bilateral interaction between tone and foot structure: tone exerts influence on the repertory of feet, and foot structure, in turn, constrains the distribution of tone. Although previously analysed as an instantiation of unilateral interaction, on a par with Golin (Inkelas & Zec 1988, Hayes 1995), new evidence to be presented here clearly disputes this position. This case is of immediate theoretical relevance for establishing the range of possible foot inventories. The resulting inventory is richer than in cases generally reported in the theoretical literature (Prince 1990, Mester 1994, Hayes 1995), and as such suggests a possible direction in which foot inventories may expand.

Footed tones and tonal feet: rhythmic constituency in a pitch- accent language

We focus on the placement of clitics that occupy the so-called “second” position, characterized cross-linguistically as the sentential position either (i) after the first word, or (ii) after the first constituent. We present a relatively complex case, that of Serbian, in which both (i) and (ii) can serve as sentential positions for clitics (Browne 1975, Zec and Inkelas 1990). Moreover, we found that in Serbian there is more than one type of first position, both in the case of first word, and in the case of first constituent. We found two types of cases depending on whether the sentence initial element is, or belongs to, either an argument or the predicate, which yields a four part classification illustrated in (1)-(2). The native speakers we consulted suggest that, while all four cases are acceptable, (1a) and (2a) are more “common” and less “marked” than (1b) and (2b).

/pdf/clitic-placement-in-serbian-corpus-and-experimental-evidence-5639r2frxj.pdf

Clitic placement in Serbian: Corpus and experimental evidence

Experiments at the Interfaces, edited by Jeffrey T. Runner from the University of Rochester, brings together recent experimental research examining a variety of issues within syntax and semantics, and their interfaces with each other and with other domains of language.

1: Interface Effects: Serbian Clitics

Serbian contains two classes of contrastive palatal affricates exemplified in c" [tUo ar] ‘gain’ vs. c� [t5ar] ‘magic’. In the phonological process of iotization, [t] patterns with [tUo ], and [k] patterns with [t5]. Articulatorily, c" [tUo ] is laminal, more front with compressed lips, while c�5] is apical, more back with protruded lips. Acoustically, two resonance frequency peaks in the frication noise distinguish the affricates. [t5] / [k] display lower frequency energy than [t] / [tUo]. Different frequency ranges in the spectra of frication noise vs. stop bursts derive from constriction degree. We adopt a two-level model of the phonetics-phonology interface [1]. Phonetic differences in several articulator variables in the input contribute to cavity volume differences in the output, and define the natural classes observed in iotization. We propose a binary phonological feature, increased vs. decreased [front cavity volume], which allows a natural statement of iotization.

/pdf/acoustics-of-contrastive-palatal-affricates-predict-4dktq7d0jy.pdf

Acoustics of contrastive palatal affricates predict phonological patterning

Handle everyday research tasks with reliable, citation-backed results

Your personal Research Agent to handle research tasks with citation-backed results

Popular Tasks used by Researchers

How can I help with your research?

Meet SciSpace

Get more enhanced response by uploading the PDFs you want me to reference.

No relevant PDFs in your library

SciSpace is the AI research assistant for academics. Run systematic literature reviews on 280M+ papers, and write papers with cited sources. Trusted by 1M+ students, PhDs & researchers.

SciSpace | AI for Research

Analyze PDFs

Code & Manuscripts

Funding & Grants

Literature & Patents

Medical & Clinical Data

Systematic Review

Visualize & Present

Web & Data

Build a Google Scholar-like website for your research.

Build a website

Create charts and images for your research

Create a Chart

Write a paper for submission to a journal

Draft a manuscript

Patent Search

Design eye-catching scientific posters in minutes.

Scientific Poster Generation

Systematic Literature Review

One task is running at the moment. Your messages will be shown right after.

Drag and drop or click here to browse

Loved by <highlight>1 million+</highlight> researchers

Extract a list of specific topics and their sources from unstructured text

Topics

Compare and analyze relevant papers that matches with your search

Papers

Get insights from PDFs and bookmarked papers from your library

My library

Recent searches

Try searching for:

Catch AI-generated content in scholarly and non-scholarly content

{ai} Detector

Ai Writer

Get PDF Summaries, highlighted text explanations 

Chat with PDF

Effortlessly create in-text citations and bibliographies in APA and 2,500 other formats

Citation generator

Get explanations, summaries, and answers on academic papers

Ease up your research workflow with {scispace}'s cohort of exciting AI tools

Elevate your academic writing skills and convey your ideas the way you want

Paraphraser

Explore our range of reading and writing tools

Your file is being prepared and should be ready in a few minutes. If it's a large file, it might take a bit longer. You can close this window, and we'll email you the file when it's done.

You have reached a maximum limit of <strong>{limit}</strong> columns in the table. Remove at least <strong>1</strong> column to add or create another one.

Draga Zec

Author Tools

Chat about Author