Since the first version of this chapter (John, 1990) was completed in the late 1980s, the field of personality trait research has changed dramatically. At that time, the Big Five personality dimensions, now seemingly ubiquitous, were hardly known. Researchers, as well as practitioners in the field of personality assessment, were faced with a bewildering array of personality scales from which to choose, with little guidance and no organizing theory or framework at hand. What made matters worse was that scales with the same name might measure concepts that were quite different, and scales with different names might measure concepts that were quite similar. Although diversity and scientific pluralism can be useful, systematic accumulation of findings and communication among researchers had become almost impossible amidst the cacophony of competing concepts and scales. At the University of California, Berkeley, for example, researchers studied personality with as few as two, and as many as 20 concepts, including the two dimensions of egoresilience and egocontrol that Block and Block (1980) measured with their California Q-sort; the four scales on the Myers– Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI; Myers & McCaulley, 1985) that measure extraversion, feeling, judging, and intuition; and the 20 scales on the California Psychological Inventory (CPI; Gough, 1987) measuring folk concepts such as capacity for status, selfcontrol, wellbeing, tolerance, and achievement via independence (see Table 4.1). At the time, many personality researchers were hoping to be the one who would discover the right structure that all others would then adopt, thus transforming the fragmented field into a community speaking a common language. However, we now know that such an integration was not to be achieved by any one researcher or by any one theoretical perspective. As Allport once put it, “each assessor has his own pet units and uses a pet battery of diagnostic devices” (1958, p. 258). What personality psychology lacked was a descriptive model, or taxonomy, of its subject matter. One of the central goals of scientific taxonomies is the definition of overarching domains within which large numbers of specific instances can be understood in a simplified way. Thus, in personchAPTeR 4

Paradigm shift to the integrative Big Five trait taxonomy: History, measurement, and conceptual issues.

We analyzed 700 million words, phrases, and topic instances collected from the Facebook messages of 75,000 volunteers, who also took standard personality tests, and found striking variations in language with personality, gender, and age. In our open-vocabulary technique, the data itself drives a comprehensive exploration of language that distinguishes people, finding connections that are not captured with traditional closed-vocabulary word-category analyses. Our analyses shed new light on psychosocial processes yielding results that are face valid (e.g., subjects living in high elevations talk about the mountains), tie in with other research (e.g., neurotic people disproportionately use the phrase ‘sick of’ and the word ‘depressed’), suggest new hypotheses (e.g., an active life implies emotional stability), and give detailed insights (males use the possessive ‘my’ when mentioning their ‘wife’ or ‘girlfriend’ more often than females use ‘my’ with ‘husband’ or 'boyfriend’). To date, this represents the largest study, by an order of magnitude, of language and personality.

/pdf/personality-gender-and-age-in-the-language-of-social-media-3iiuf14okz.pdf

Personality, Gender, and Age in the Language of Social Media: The Open-Vocabulary Approach

In this study, the authors both developed and validated a self-report mindfulness measure, the Toronto Mindfulness Scale (TMS). In Study 1, participants were individuals with and without meditation experience. Results showed good internal consistency and two factors, Curiosity and Decentering. Most of the expected relationships with other constructs were as expected. The TMS scores increased with increasing mindfulness meditation experience. In Study 2, criterion and incremental validity of the TMS were investigated on a group of individuals participating in 8-week mindfulness-based stress reduction programs. Results showed that TMS scores increased following treatment, and Decentering scores predicted improvements in clinical outcome. Thus, the TMS is a promising measure of the mindfulness state with good psychometric properties and predictive of treatment outcome.

The toronto mindfulness scale: Development and validation

A new conceptualization and measurement of social dominance orientation-individual differences in the preference for group based hierarchy and inequality-is introduced. In contrast to previous measures of social dominance orientation that were designed to be unidimensional, the new measure (SDO7) embeds theoretically grounded subdimensions of SDO-SDO-Dominance (SDO-D) and SDO-Egalitarianism (SDO-E). SDO-D constitutes a preference for systems of group-based dominance in which high status groups forcefully oppress lower status groups. SDO-E constitutes a preference for systems of group-based inequality that are maintained by an interrelated network of subtle hierarchy-enhancing ideologies and social policies. Confirmatory factor and criterion validity analyses confirmed that SDO-D and SDO-E are theoretically distinct and dissociate in terms of the intergroup outcomes they best predict. For the first time, distinct personality and individual difference bases of SDO-D and SDO-E are outlined. We clarify the construct validity of SDO by strictly assessing a preference for dominance hierarchies in general, removing a possible confound relating to support for hierarchy benefitting the ingroup. Consistent with this, results show that among members of a disadvantaged ethnic minority group (African Americans), endorsement of SDO7 is inversely related to ingroup identity. We further demonstrate these effects using nationally representative samples of U.S. Blacks and Whites, documenting the generalizability of these findings. Finally, we introduce and validate a brief 4-item measure of each dimension. This article importantly extends our theoretical understanding of one of the most generative constructs in social psychology, and introduces powerful new tools for its measurement.

/pdf/the-nature-of-social-dominance-orientation-theorizing-and-20xang4iat.pdf

The nature of social dominance orientation: Theorizing and measuring preferences for intergroup inequality using the new SDO₇ scale.

Definition Barriers to organizational learning are seen as those systems and behaviors that prevent or inhibit organizations from adapting to the main decision-making challenges that they face. They can also arise from the processes of identifying and adopting new behaviors and practices in light of successes and failures. These barriers can occur at multiple levels within and between organizations, and involve both individual and group processes and behaviors.

/pdf/barriers-to-organizational-learning-39jyb0sovi.pdf

Barriers to organizational learning

After a single hearing, the 14-year-old Mozart transcribed Allegri’sMiserere – 12 minutes of music for nine voices – from memory. In his seventies, and totally blind, Euler composed and dictated dozens of major works of mathematics. Mozart and Euler are indisputably geniuses of the first magnitude, but not simply because they possessed seemingly magical mental abilities. After all, Luria (1968) documented the case of a Russian journalist who could remember virtually everything (including tables of random numbers seen decades ago) but who never produced work of any consequence. A number of autistic individuals – so-called savants – can perform prodigious feats of calculation, although they never advance mathematics. Geniuses usually have exceptional gifts, but their defining characteristic is that they use these gifts to solve artistic, intellectual, or practical problems in original ways. What is it beyond mere mental ability that leads these individuals to see the world with a fresh perspective? In this chapter, we consider the hypothesis that genius is due in some measure to personality traits, and in particular to a group of traits that define Openness to Experience. The idea that genius is tied to distinctive traits is old and widespread. In particular, since antiquity it has been asserted that genius is akin to madness, and Eysenck (1993) revived this idea by arguing that creative geniuses are high in Psychoticism, a general personality trait supposed to be a predisposing factor for psychosis.1 Jamison (1996) presented the case that artists are particularly prone to bipolar disorder. The evidence for a link between genius and mental disorder is mixed (Waddell, 1998), but suggests the hypothesis that genius may be related to personality traits in the domain of Neuroticism. A quite different set of traits was identified by Cox (1926) in a pioneering study of character in geniuses. She reported that early in life they were distinguished by (among other things) tenacity of purpose, perseverance in the face of obstacles, and a desire to excel. Simonton (2000) similarly mentioned ambition as a common characteristic of highly creative persons. These are characteristics contemporary psychologists would call aspects of Conscientiousness. Our focus in this chapter will be on a third domain of personality traits, Openness to Experience.

Openness to Experience

https://science.sciencemag.org/content/sci/117/3031/111.full.pdf

Ascorbic acid and the oxidation of tyrosine.

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Openness to Experience

Ascorbic acid and the oxidation of tyrosine.