What makes us modern? This is a classic question in philosophy as well as in political science. However it is often raised without including science and technology in its definition. The argument of this book is that we are modern as long as we split our political process in two - between politics proper, and science and technology. This division allows the formidable expansion of the Western empires. However it has become more and more difficult to maintain this distance between science and politics. Hence the postmodern predicament - the feeling that the modern stance is no longer acceptable but that there is no alternative. The solution, advances one of France's leading sociologists of science, is to realize that we have never been modern to begin with. The comparative anthropology this text provides reintroduces science to the fabric of daily life and aims to make us compatible both with our past and with other cultures wrongly called pre-modern.

We Have Never Been Modern

This paper presents an overview of the World Mental Health (WMH) Survey Initiative version of the World Health Organization (WHO) Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI) and a discussion of the methodological research on which the development of the instrument was based. The WMH-CIDI includes a screening module and 40 sections that focus on diagnoses (22 sections), functioning (four sections), treatment (two sections), risk factors (four sections), socio-demographic correlates (seven sections), and methodological factors (two sections). Innovations compared to earlier versions of the CIDI include expansion of the diagnostic sections, a focus on 12-month as well as lifetime disorders in the same interview, detailed assessment of clinical severity, and inclusion of information on treatment, risk factors, and consequences. A computer-assisted version of the interview is available along with a direct data entry software system that can be used to keypunch responses to the paper-and-pencil version of the interview. Computer programs that generate diagnoses are also available based on both ICD-10 and DSM-IV criteria. Elaborate CD-ROM-based training materials are available to teach interviewers how to administer the interview as well as to teach supervisors how to monitor the quality of data collection.

/pdf/the-world-mental-health-wmh-survey-initiative-version-of-the-2n6nicodkz.pdf

The World Mental Health (WMH) Survey Initiative Version of the World Health Organization (WHO) Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI).

https://www.uu.nl/wetfilos/wetfil10/sprekers/Funtowicz_Ravetz_Futures_1993.pdf

Science for the post-normal age

This paper describes the theory of the actor-network, a body of theoretical and empirical writing which treats social relations, including power and organization, as network effects. The theory is distinctive because it insists that networks are materially heterogeneous and argues that society and organization would not exist if they were simply social. Agents, texts, devices, architectures are all generated in, form part of, and are essential to, the networks of the social. And in the first instance, all should be analyzed in the same terms. Accordingly, in this view, the task of sociology is to characterize the ways in which materials join together to generate themselves and reproduce institutional and organizational patterns in the networks of the social.

Notes on the theory of the actor-network: ordering, strategy and heterogeneity.

Sociological studies sensitive to the issue of place are rarely labeled thus, and at the same time there are far too many of them to fit in this review. It may be a good thing that this research is seldom gathered up as a “sociology of place,” for that could ghettoize the subject as something of interest only to geographers, architects, or environmental historians. The point of this review is to indicate that sociologists have a stake in place no matter what they analyze, or how: The works cited below emplace inequality, difference, power, politics, interaction, community, social movements, deviance, crime, life course, science, identity, memory, history. After a prologue of definitions and methodological ruminations, I ask: How do places come to be the way they are, and how do places matter for social practices and historical change?

A Space for Place in Sociology

BRUNO LATOUR, The pasteurization of France, trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law, Cambridge, Mass., and London, Harvard University Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. 273, £23.95. GEORGES CANGUILHEM, Ideology and rationality in the history of the life sciences, trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Cambridge, Mass., and London, The MIT Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. xi, 160, £17.95. Bruno Latour has written a wonderfully funny book about himself. It is difficult, however, to summarize a text committed to the view that \"Nothing is, by itself, either reducible or irreducible to anything else\", (p. 158). In Latour's opinion, the common view that sociologists of knowledge and scientists are opposed is incorrect. Both groups, according to Latour, are the authors of identical mistakes: reductionism and, relatedly, attempting to conjoin (in the instance of the sociologist) science and society, or (in the instance of the scientist) keeping them apart. For Latour, there are only forces or resistances which different groups encounter and attempt to conquer by forming alliances. These groups, however, are not simply the actors of conventional sociology. They include, for example, microbes, the discovery of the Pasteurians, with which they have populated our world and which we must now take notice of in any encounter or war in which we engage. War is a fundamental metaphor for Latour, since in a war or a battle clashes of armies are later called the \"victory\" of a Napoleon or a Kutuzov. Likewise, he argues, the Pasteurization of France can be viewed as a battle, with its field and its myriad contestants, in which opposing sides attempted to mould and coerce various forces of resistance. Strangely, he points out, the outcome of this huge battle, the labour and struggle of these masses, we attribute to the scientific genius of Pasteur. Pasteur's genius, however, says Latour, lay not in science (for this could be yet another way of making science and society distinct) but as strategist. Pasteur was able to cross disciplinary lines, recruiting allies to laboratory science by persuading them that they were recruiting him. This was possible because, like the armies in battle, they had already done the work of the general. Thus Pasteur's microbiology, which might conventionally be seen as a whole new science, can also be construed as a brilliant reformulation of all that preceded it and made it possible. Hygienists seized on the work of the Pasteurians and the two rapidly became powerful allies because \"The time that they [the hygienists] had made was now working for them\" (p. 52). French physicians, on the other hand, resisted recruitment, since for them it meant enslavement. Finally, however, they recruited the Pasteurians to their enterprise. Pasteurian public health was turned into a triumph of medicine. It is impossible to read this book and not substitute Latour for Pasteur. At the head of his own army, increasingly enlarged by the recruitment of allies, Latour now presents us, in his own language, with something we have made, or at least made possible. The cynic might say, using the old jibe against sociologists, that Latour has explained to us in his own language everything we knew anyway. Retorting thus, however, would be to unselfconsciously make an ally of Latour and miss the point by a narrow margin that might as well be a million miles. Latour says all this much more clearly (and certainly more wittily) than any review. Read it, but beware; in spite of Latour's strictures about irreducibility, the text is not what it seems. This is a recruitment brochure: Bruno needs you. Among the many historians whom Latour convicts by quotation of mistaking the general for the army, Pasteur for all the forces at work in French society, is Georges Canguilhem. Latour uses two quotes from Canguilhem, both taken from the original French version of Ideology and rationality in the life sciences, first published in 1977. Reading Canguilhem after Latour induces a feeling akin to culture shock. Astonishingly, Canguilhem seems almost Anglo-American. Anyone familiar with Canguilhem's epistemological universe would hardly be surprised to discover that Latour finds in it perspectives different from his own. After all, Canguilhem remains committed to the epistemologically distinct entity science or, better still, sciences. Likewise he employs distinctions between science and ideology, as in Spencerian ideology and Darwinian science, which will seem familiar, possibly jaded to English-reading eyes. His text is liberally seeded with unLatourian expressions, including injunctions to distinguish \"between ideology and science\" (p. 39), lamentations that eighteenth-century medicine \"squandered its energy in the erection of systems\" (p. 53), rejoicing that physiology \"liberated itself' from classical anatomy (p. 54), and regret that \"Stahl's influence ... seriously impeded experimental

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Bruno Latour, The pasteurization of France , trans. Alan Sheridan and John Law, Cambridge, Mass., and London, Harvard University Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. 273, £23.95. - Georges Canguilhem, Ideology and rationality in the history of the life sciences , trans. Arthur Goldhammer, Cambridge, Mass., and London, The MIT Press, 1988, 8vo, pp. xi, 160, £17.95.

In spite of its beguiling title and glowing blurb on the dust jacket, medical historians are likely to find this work remorselessly presentist, historically inaccurate and very hard going. It is the sort of book that gives philosophy of science something worse than a bad name. Besides the roller-coaster ride between technical philosophy and banal simplifications there is an unreconstructed realism here that will not appeal to modern historical sensibilities. Although lots of examples of the search for the causes of disease are given, the focus of the book is a supposed switch from humoralism to germ theory in the nineteenth century and the eventual explanation of peptic ulcer as caused by Heliobacter pylori. Thagard's endeavour is to generate a new, fairly eclectic account of how etiological ideas are produced by welding together writings from authors in the philosophy and sociology of science who would not, intellectually speaking, be seen within a million miles of each other. Beneath the surface of the approach, however, are a number of familiar assumptions. There are, we are told, at least three possible reasons why it is difficult to identify the causes of disease. First \"there can be too many possible causes to sort out\", as the history of scurvy at sea illustrates. Second is \"background causal beliefs\". For example \"the recognition that beriberi is a nutritional disease was impeded by attempts to find a microbial cause\". The third difficulty in identifying the causes of disease \"is that many are not directly observable\". So bacteria \"became observable with the invention of the optical microscope\" (p. 130). Even those who wish to write their history on these premises will find this book hard going.

/pdf/how-scientists-explain-disease-53zf3pvgvm.pdf

How scientists explain disease.

historical dimensions of one of these questions; the implications of instrumental diagnosis. He charts the rise of the major diagnostic instruments of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and chronicles their gradual and not always enthusiastic adoption by the medical profession. He vividly illustrates both the profound diagnostic possibilities of such instruments and the more constant and frighteningly large factor of human fallibility. This latter he does not regard as being circumvented; he makes no plea for bigger and better instruments. What the work lacks is a slightly more suspicious approach to group interests. He makes, for instance, no reference whatsoever to the market relations ofmedical technology. Who are the manufacturers, and retailers? How is medical technology \"sold\" to the profession? He sees an obvious relation between technology and medical specialization, yet he does not investigate the possibility that specialists might pursue complex technology to advance their claims. Rather he portrays technology as passively calling forth special skills. Nor does Reiser place his findings in the broader context of industrial society. How important, for instance, is medical technology in removing responsibility and insight from the patient? What is the relation of this to the profession's putative role as a channel of social control? These however are methodological questions. Reiser's work has gone a long way to providing the material that makes it possible to ask them.

Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The scientific enterprise in late Victorian society.

In so far as there are two schools, an old and a new, in cardiology, there are two schools in the following sense. There is a small body of workers who spend their time and energies in the collection of new knowledge, a body of workers who insist upon proof to demonstration or an approach to that ideal. This school, if school it be, has been productive, some would say extremely productive, during the past few decades. There is, on the other hand, a large number of clinicians who speak and write largely upon questions of cardiac pathology, but who do not demand or seek exacting proofs, but are content, as far as these questions are concerned, with a more philosophic and therefore more indolent attitude. This school, if school it be, is sterile; it is sterile because of its method of thought and inquiry.'

/pdf/moderns-and-ancients-the-new-cardiology-in-britain-1880-1930-3thxa6nik2.pdf

Moderns and ancients: the “new cardiology” in Britain 1880–1930

Before I read this much awaited book I had intended to write an essay review but having finished it I can only call to mind Tolstoy's famous observation in Anna Karenina that \"All happy families resemble one another, but each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way\". In other words, to write an essay review requires at least some points of contention and preferably large areas of disagreement between reviewer and author. Some unhappiness is necessary. In this case, however, Todes has written a marvellous book with which I can find no quarrel. He is, as far as I can judge, so in control of his primary material and so informed historio-graphically about how to use it that admiration rather than engagement seems the appropriate response. Todes concentrates here on Pavlov's early years, up until his receipt of the Nobel Prize in 1904. This was awarded for his work on digestive secretions and before his more celebrated studies of conditional reflexes. In the years covered by this book the mind was still \"black-boxed\". From 1891 Pavlov was head of the Physiology Division of the Imperial Institute of Experimental Medicine in St Petersburg. Todes begins with the history of the foundation of this institution and then turns to the core and most original part of this book: the factory system of physiology production. Todes deals with both how knowledge was produced and what knowledge was produced. To summarize in this way does Todes some injustice because the core of his argument is that the nature of the physiological knowledge made in Pavlov's laboratory was constituted by its mode of production. The two are scarcely separable. Essential to the story are the praktikanty and the dogs. The praktikanty were the labour force, the incessant stream of medical graduates seeking doctorates. Pavlov organized them, set them their tasks and oversaw their data collection. This was no random collection of workers, craftsmen pursuing their own interests. All projects were related to the same end and dictated to a great extent by the machines with which the praktikanty worked: the dogs. Pavlov perfected surgical techniques for producing salivary, gastric and pancreatic fistulas that enabled the workforce to collect over many long, tedious hours the secretions of these glands. Of course many dogs were sacrificed along the way. Those that survived2 however, were invariably reported as happy and contented. In the star chapter in this …

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Pavlov's physiology factory: experiment, interpretation, laboratory enterprise

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How scientists explain disease.

Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The scientific enterprise in late Victorian society.

Moderns and ancients: the “new cardiology” in Britain 1880–1930

Pavlov's physiology factory: experiment, interpretation, laboratory enterprise