Benjamin Reilly makes an important contribution to the debate on the appropriate institutional design of electoral systems for mitigating conflict and sustaining democracy in ethnically plural societies. The dominant position in this debate posits the importance of proportional representation (PR) systems. An alternative position, less widely accepted largely because of an ostensible absence of empirical examples, posits the importance of majoritarian preferential systems that encourage cross-ethnic vote pooling. Reilly extends this debate by drawing on heretofore unknown or understudied cases to examine the operation of both majoritarian (the alternative vote or AV and the supplementary vote or SV) and proportional (single-transferable vote or STV) preferential systems in different social contexts and in different elections (legislative and presidential).

Democracy in Divided Societies: Electoral Engineering for Conflict Management. By Benjamin Reilly. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. 232p. $60.00 cloth, $22.00 paper.

What influences the decisions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) to return home after prolonged displacement? This article investigates the attitudes of victims of forced migration by analysing survey data on Kurdish displaced persons and returnees in Turkey. In an attempt to give a voice to displaced persons, we survey the conditions under which IDPs return home despite continuing tensions, lack of infrastructure and risk of renewed violence. The findings suggest that integration into a new environment in Western Turkey, measured by economic advancement and knowledge of Turkish, reduces the likelihood of return. Yet contrary to conventional wisdom, more educated IDPs demonstrate a stronger desire to return to their ancestral communities, suggesting that education increases available options for displaced persons. The findings are relevant in informing global responses to forced migration as well as understanding the local experiences and perceptions of IDPs in conflict ridden societies.

/pdf/home-is-where-the-heart-is-forced-migration-and-voluntary-5f11x79ap6.pdf

Home is Where the Heart Is? Forced Migration and Voluntary Return in Turkey’s Kurdish Regions

/pdf/democracy-promotion-and-turkey-3eimipwoyx.pdf

Democracy promotion and Turkey

Slowing managerial reflexes of the Ottoman Empire in the last century, lost battles, collapsing of financial structure and socio-economic backwardness, rapid changes in the world and giant waves of nationalism that coming from Western World makes the imperial geography indefensible. All ideological instruments such as Ottomanism, Islamism that are tried to use by Ottoman Empire which wants to protect unity were in vain. Last Ottomans who are trying to defend the borders with the shield of Turanism and Nationalism took the final blow with World War I. Newborn Republic took over ideological legacy of the Ottoman Empire largely and transformed it with a reformist style. Nationalist ideology, that continues its evolution in anti-communist conjuncture during the Cold War, has changed its color with emerging the problem of ethnic nationalism after the 1980s and especially the 1990s. The traces of ideology of nationalism, which has a particular goal but does not have a way that is exactly certain, are tried to follow from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey. We elected also some prominent persons and public opinion leaders about their national perception and views in order to understand and compare better the reality of national case in Turkey in this article.

/pdf/from-the-ottoman-empire-to-the-republic-of-turkey-4njs0v8xu6.pdf

From the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey Manifestations of Nationalisms and National Imaginations / Osmanlı Devleti’nden Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne Milliyetçiliklerin ve Milli’lik Tasavvurlarının Tezahürleri

In the past four decades, Islamists have emerged as important actors in the politics of the Middle East and North Africa, seizing power in some cases. In response, scholars of MENA have been investigating Islamists’ behavior and policies relating to a wide range of issues. And yet, despite its real-world and academic salience, empirical research on the relationship between contemporary Islamist rulers and minorities has been sparse. The paper investigates ruling Islamists’ minority treatment in Sudan and Turkey. Observing a variation in treatment, the paper demonstrates that religious affiliation and religious-ideological motivations have little explanatory power in the cases. The paper argues that in effort to secure their power, Islamists will engage in alliance building with or against minority groups. Alliance building itself is affected by the strategic interactions between Islamists, minority groups and other key political actors as well as the regional and international environments. 

Islamists and ethnic minorities: evidence from Sudan and Turkey

Political institutions are socially constructed rules manifesting the preferences and strategic interactions of key actors at decisive moments. We investigate a contentious episode of institutional change in a divided society: the adoption of direct presidential elections in Turkey, approved by referendum in October 2007. Process tracing and regression analyses demonstrate that Kurdish politicians and voters in Turkey supported this reform. However, direct elections are unlikely to increase Kurds’ leverage over choosing Turkey's presidents and may even diminish it. Kurdish support for direct elections is better explained by the reform's broader anticipated impacts on the structuring of state power.

Minority Group Strategies for Endogenous Institutional Change: Kurdish Parties and Voters in Turkey's 2007 Referendum

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Minority Group Strategies for Endogenous Institutional Change: Kurdish Parties and Voters in Turkey's 2007 Referendum