Background/Aims: Increasing public awareness of obesity genetics could have beneficial or harmful effects on overweight individuals. This study examined the impact of genetic information on weight-related cognitions as well as interest in personalized genetic information about obesity among overweight individuals. Methods: Online survey respondents (n = 655) were randomly assigned to read either genetic, gene-environment, or nongenetic obesity causal information. Fifty-two percent of the participants were female, 82.4% were White, 45% had an annual income of USD Results: Participants in the genetic and gene-environment conditions were more likely to believe genetics increase obesity risk than participants in the nongenetic condition (both p Conclusion: Dissemination of information about obesity genetics may have neither a beneficial nor a harmful impact on how overweight individuals perceive themselves. Some overweight individuals may be interested in receiving personalized genetic information. The actual effects of obesity genetic information being incorporated into public health messages and of personalized genetic information on obesity prevention and treatment interventions remain to be seen.

/pdf/impact-of-informing-overweight-individuals-about-the-role-of-1ikao5lufj.pdf

Impact of Informing Overweight Individuals about the Role of Genetics in Obesity: An Online Experimental Study

This article offers objectification theory as a framework for understanding the experiential consequences of being female in a culture that sexually objectifies the female body. Objectification the...

Objectification Theory: Toward Understanding Women's Lived Experiences and Mental Health Risks:

This chapter addresses the psychological effects of social stigma. Stigma directly affects the stigmatized via mechanisms of discrimination, expectancy confirmation, and automatic stereotype activation, and indirectly via threats to personal and social identity. We review and organize recent theory and empirical research within an identity threat model of stigma. This model posits that situational cues, collective representations of one's stigma status, and personal beliefs and motives shape appraisals of the significance of stigma-relevant situations for well-being. Identity threat results when stigma-relevant stressors are appraised as potentially harmful to one's social identity and as exceeding one's coping resources. Identity threat creates involuntary stress responses and motivates attempts at threat reduction through coping strategies. Stress responses and coping efforts affect important outcomes such as self-esteem, academic achievement, and health. Identity threat perspectives help to explain the...

https://courses.washington.edu/pbafhall/514/514%20Readings/majorandobrien.pdf

The social psychology of stigma.

The processes involved in well-being maintenance among African Americans who differed in their attributions to prejudice were examined. A rejection-iden tification model was proposed where stable attributions to prejudice represent rejection by the dominant group. This results in a direct and negative effect on well-being. The model also predicts a positive effect on well-being that is mediated by minority group identification. In other words, the generally negative consequences of perceiving oneself as a victim of racial prejudice can be somewhat alleviated by identification with the minority group. Structural equation analyses provided support for the model and ruled out alternative theoretical possibilities. Perceiving prejudice as pervasive produces effects on well-being that are fundamentally different from those that may arise from an unstable attribution to prejudice for a single negative outcome.

Perceiving pervasive discrimination among African Americans: Implications for group identification and well-being.

In 2 meta-analyses, we examined the relationship between perceived discrimination and psychological well-being and tested a number of moderators of that relationship. In Meta-Analysis 1 (328 independent effect sizes, N = 144,246), we examined correlational data measuring both perceived discrimination and psychological well-being (e.g., self-esteem, depression, anxiety, psychological distress, life satisfaction). Using a random-effects model, the mean weighted effect size was significantly negative, indicating harm (r = -.23). Effect sizes were larger for disadvantaged groups (r = -.24) compared to advantaged groups (r = -.10), larger for children compared to adults, larger for perceptions of personal discrimination compared to group discrimination, and weaker for racism and sexism compared to other stigmas. The negative relationship was significant across different operationalizations of well-being but was somewhat weaker for positive outcomes (e.g., self-esteem, positive affect) than for negative outcomes (e.g., depression, anxiety, negative affect). Importantly, the effect size was significantly negative even in longitudinal studies that controlled for prior levels of well-being (r = -.15). In Meta-Analysis 2 (54 independent effect sizes, N = 2,640), we examined experimental data from studies manipulating perceptions of discrimination and measuring well-being. We found that the effect of discrimination on well-being was significantly negative for studies that manipulated general perceptions of discrimination (d = -.25), but effects did not differ from 0 when attributions to discrimination for a specific negative event were compared to personal attributions (d = .06). Overall, results support the idea that the pervasiveness of perceived discrimination is fundamental to its harmful effects on psychological well-being.

The consequences of perceived discrimination for psychological well-being: A meta-analytic review.

Attributing negative outcomes to prejudice and discrimination may protect the mood and self-esteem of some stigmatized groups. Thus, the overweight may be low in self-esteem because they blame their weight, but not the attitudes of others, for negative outcomes based on their weight. In an experiment, 27 overweight and 31 normal weight college women received either positive or negative social feedback from a male evaluator. Relative to other groups, overweight women who received negative feedback attributed the feedback to their weight but did not blame the evaluator for his reaction. This attributional pattern resulted in more negative mood for these overweight women in comparison with other groups. Dimensions of stigma that may account for differences in the tendency to attribute negative outcomes to prejudice, and implications of these findings for weight loss programs and psychotherapy for the overweight, are discussed.

The stigma of overweight: affective consequences of attributional ambiguity.

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The stigma of overweight: affective consequences of attributional ambiguity.