https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057%2Fpalgrave.ap.5500176.pdf

Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis

Mobilizing Islam: Religion, Activism and Political Change in Egypt. By Carrie Rosefsky Wickham. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. 300p. $49.50 cloth, $22.50 paper

State in society: studying how states and societies transform and constitute one another.

France achieved national unity much later than is commonly supposed. For a hundred years and more after the Revolution, millions of peasants lived on as if in a timeless world, their existence little different from that of the generations before them. The author of this lively, often witty, and always provocative work traces how France underwent a veritable crisis of civilization in the early years of the French Republic as traditional attitudes and practices crumbled under the forces of modernization. Local roads and railways were the decisive factors, bringing hitherto remote and inaccessible regions into easy contact with markets and major centers of the modern world. The products of industry rendered many peasant skills useless, and the expanding school system taught not only the language of the dominant culture but its values as well, among them patriotism. By 1914, France had finally become La Patrie in fact as it had so long been in name.

Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914

Putting Islam to Work: Education, Politics, and Religious Transformation in Egypt. Gregory Starrett. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. 324 pp.

Putting Islam to Work: Education, Politics, and Religious Transformation in Egypt

The thesis explores the nature of the Islamic education systems in Indonesia and Malaysia and the different approaches taken by these states in managing these systems. Despite their close geographic and cultural ties, the two countries have dramatically different Islamic education, with that in Indonesia being relatively decentralized and discursively diverse, while that in Malaysia is centralized and discursively restricted. By employing theoretical models provided by the state-in-society and historical institutionalism approaches, I argue that the post-colonial state in Malaysia has been more successful in centralizing its control over Islamic education, and more concerned with promoting a restrictive orthodoxy, compared to the post-colonial state in Indonesia due to three factors: the ideological makeup of the state institutions that oversee Islamic education; patterns of societal Islamization that have propted different responses from the states; and control of resources by the central government that influences center-periphery relations. First, the thesis contends that state institutions that oversee Islamic education in Malaysia are more ideologically aligned and focused than their counterparts in Indonesia, which then allows the state in Malaysia to exert more coherent influence over Islamic education. Second, the wave of Islamic resurgence from the 1970s affected Indonesia and Malaysia differently. Islamization forced the state in Malaysia to engage with the political threat posed by Islamic activists, which resulted in increasing centralization of the Islamic education system by state, with the goal of subduing Islamic opposition and controlling Islamic discourse. There was no similarly grave threat to the legitimacy of the state in Indonesia, removing the impetus to centralize control over Islamization or promote a restrictive orthodoxy. Finally, the state in Malaysia has at its disposal more resources to manage Islamic education, including by absorbing private Islamic schools, compared to the state in Indonesia. Less state subsidies and financial control, however, also means that financially viable private Islamic schools in Indonesia can operate somewhat more independently than their counterparts in Malaysia. In short, this thesis shows that the three aforementioned factors can help a state to minimize influence from the society and exert its dominance, in this case by centralizing control over Islamic education. Specifically, they help us understand the markedly different landscapes of Islamic education in Malaysia and Indonesia. Table of

/pdf/shaping-minds-saving-souls-managing-islamic-education-in-31ds34b6j8.pdf

Shaping Minds, saving Souls: Managing Islamic Education in Indonesia and Malaysia

Despite their close geographic and cultural ties, Indonesia and Malaysia have dramatically different Islamic education, with that in Indonesia being relatively decentralized and discursively diverse, while that in Malaysia is centralized and discursively restricted. 
The book explores the nature of the Islamic education systems in Indonesia and Malaysia and the different approaches taken by these states in managing these systems. The book argues that the post-colonial state in Malaysia has been more successful in centralising its control over Islamic education, and more concerned with promoting a restrictive orthodoxy, compared to the post-colonial state in Indonesia. This is due to three factors: the ideological makeup of the state institutions that oversee Islamic education; patterns of societal Islamisation that have prompted different responses from the states; and control of resources by the central government that influences centre-periphery relations. Informed by the theoretical works of state-in-society relations and historical institutionalism, this book shows that the three aforementioned factors can help a state to minimize influence from the society and exert its dominance, in this case by centralising control over Islamic education. Specifically, they help us understand the markedly different landscapes of Islamic education in Malaysia and Indonesia.
It will be of interest to academics in the field of Southeast Asian Studies, Asian Education and Comparative Education.

Islamic Education in Indonesia and Malaysia: Shaping Minds, Saving Souls

This paper compares state Islamic orthodoxy in Indonesia and Malaysia by using Islamic education curriculum for senior high schools as my case study. I argue that Malaysian Islamic Development Agency (Jabatan Kemajuan Islam Malaysia, JAKIM) in Malaysia has been more successful in exerting its orthodox values in the Islamic education curriculum than its counterpart Indonesian Council of Ulama (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI) due to three factors: clear institutional objective; ideological cohesion among state institutions overseeing Islamic education; and patterns of Islamisation in the society that provide a conducive milieu for such orthodox ideals to thrive. In this paper I limit the scope of time and space to state Islamic orthodoxy in Indonesia and Malaysia from the late 1970s to present. I then choose three common topics found in Islamic education curriculum for senior high schools in Indonesia and Malaysia – pluralism/freedom of religion, marriage, and civic responsibility/governance – as examples of JAKIM's ideological dominance in Malaysia and the multifaceted nature found in Indonesian state Islamic orthodoxy.

/pdf/state-islamic-orthodoxies-and-islamic-education-in-malaysia-48h5k9lzbl.pdf

State Islamic Orthodoxies and Islamic Education in Malaysia and Indonesia

It was a tumultuous year for Malaysia. As the country was experiencing the onset of the first wave of COVID-19 in late February 2020, the majority coalition, the Alliance of Hope (Pakatan Harapan) that formed the federal government at the time broke apart due to defections, symbolized by the so-called Sheraton Move. A new government led by the National Alliance (Perikatan Nasional, PN) coalition came into power after the king appointed its leader, Muhyiddin Yassin, prime minister, replacing Mahathir Mohamad. The PN government immediately faced two severe challenges: the global pandemic threat and the crisis of legitimacy due to weak coalition building. This article mainly focuses on the second challenge, namely the ways the PN government has been able to avoid a parliamentary vote of no confidence and keep its coalition intact, albeit precariously. © 2021 by The Regents of the University of California.

Malaysia in 2020: Fragile Coalitional Politics and Democratic Regression

This article aims to look at the surprisingly positive results of the Pan Malaysian Islamic Party (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, PAS) in Malaysia’s recent 14th General Elections (GE14) and offers an analysis why the party had managed to defy the expectation of many pundits and polling agencies leading up to the GE14. While it is commonly agreed that most “opposition votes” in the GE14 were anti-UMNO votes, one is still at pains to explain why the “opposition votes” on the east coast of peninsular Malaysia overwhelmingly went to PAS and not its rival parties Amanah and Bersatu, unlike in other parts of the country. This article argues that in order to have a fuller understanding of the electoral “green wave” (referring to PAS’s color) that swept through the east coast region of the peninsular Malaysia we need to reach further back in history to trace and discern the root causes of “oppositional politics” that pervades this region, namely Kelantan. Deeply embedded historical injustices lodged within the collective social memory of the people of Kelantan help to define the kind of “oppositional politics” in the state. It can also explain why its people rather choose PAS than its rival parties when the former had almost no chance of taking over the federal government due to its decision to contest independently.

https://ejournal.ukm.my/jebat/article/download/29216/8704

Green Wave of Change In The East Coast: PAS and Anti-UMNO Backlash In Kelantan

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