世界経済・社会統計 = World development indicators

This essay critically evaluates the analytic literature concerned with causal connections between Islam and economic performance. It focuses on works since 1997, when this literature was last surveyed. Among the findings are the following: Ramadan fasting by pregnant women harms prenatal development; Islamic charities mainly benefit the middle class; Islam affects educational outcomes less through Islamic schooling than through structural factors that handicap learning as a whole; Islamic finance hardly affects Muslim financial behavior; and low generalized trust depresses Muslim trade. The last feature reflects the Muslim world's delay in transitioning from personal to impersonal exchange. The delay resulted from the persistent simplicity of the private enterprises formed under Islamic law. Weak property rights reinforced the private sector's stagnation by driving capital out of commerce and into rigid waqfs. Waqfs limited economic development through their inflexibility and democratization by restraining the development of civil society. Parts of the Muslim world conquered by Arab armies are especially undemocratic, which suggests that early Islamic institutions, including slave-based armies, were particularly critical to the persistence of authoritarian patterns of governance. States have contributed themselves to the persistence of authoritarianism by treating Islam as an instrument of governance. As the world started to industrialize, non-Muslim subjects of Muslim-governed states pulled ahead of their Muslim neighbors by exercising the choice of law they enjoyed under Islamic law in favor of a Western legal system.

Islam and Economic Performance: Historical and Contemporary Links

https://openresearch-repository.anu.edu.au/bitstream/1885/64288/2/01_Cooray_Gender_inequality_in_2011.pdf

Gender inequality in education: political institutions or culture and religion?

Ancient science and tamil heritage: Exploring the interdisciplinary connections for research and revival

The effects of religious contextual norms, structural constraints, and personal religiosity on abortion decisions.

The paper reviews the literature on the education, gender, and religion nexuses and identifies plausible hypotheses that religion adversely affects female education. The link between major religions and female educational attainment is examined using the Barro-Lee data set for a sample of 97 countries. The estimates include control variables for colonial heritage, urbanization, labor force participation, and young adult mortality. The estimates show powerful negative links between female educational attainment and the proportion of ethnoreligions, Hindu, and Muslim adherents in a country, with similar results for the gender gap. The paper offers some interpretative thoughts and research agendas.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/info/40271588

Religion and Female Educational Attainment

This study analyses the relationship between hospital outcome, specifically mortality rates, and various hospital and market characteristics. The data are for all general acute-care hospitals in California in 1991 that had at least 50 Medicare cases selected by the Health Care Financing Administration (HCFA) for their computation of 1991 observed and predicted mortality rates. The dependent variable was constructed from these mortality rates. Hospital and market characteristics were obtained from California's Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development 1991 tapes, the American Hospital Association's annual 1991 report, 1990 Census data, and HCFA's 1991 Medicare Hospital Mortality Information Report. Highly significant results (p < 0.01) were found for three of the predictor variables: improved mortality rates were associated with a lower proportion of Medicaid patients, with a larger market, and with a higher prior-year profit margin. Other factors that contributed to improved mortality rates (p <...

The relationship between hospital mortality rates, and hospital, market and patient characteristics

Religious membership can be related to teen abortion rates both directly, through antiabortion sentiment, and indirectly, through the higher probability of parental involvement laws being enacted in states with high levels of religious membership Using data from the 1,024 counties in the 18 states that report teen abortion numbers, counties with high levels of religious membership were more likely to be in a state with a parental involvement law In weighted regressions with several control variables—restrictive public funding, unemployment rate, per capita income, population density, percent white population, percent of families headed by a married couple, and regional indicators—both the religious membership level and a parental involvement law were negatively related to teen abortion rates The coefficients for both variables were smaller when both variables were included in the model, indicating an interaction effect between religious membership and parental involvement laws on teen abortion rates

The Effect of Religious Membership on Teen Abortion Rates.

I Introduction United States teenage pregnancy and birth rates, although declining, are still among the highest in the industrialized world (Spitz, 1996). Teen mothers gave birth to 13 percent of the babies born in 1995 and account for about one-third of unwed mothers (Conrad, 1996). Most econometric analyses of teenage birth and abortion rates, however, view teenagers as a pooled sample (Haas-Wilson, 1996; Meier, et al., 1996; King, et al., 1992), even though characteristics or determinants of teen pregnancy and birth may differ significantly for older versus younger teens. Teens under fifteen years old, for example, accounted for only 3 percent of all teen pregnancies and abortions in 1990 (Spitz, 1996). Also, eighteen- to nineteen-year-old pregnant teens face substantially different opportunity costs than younger teens; they are approaching or past high-school graduation and are also at an age where motherhood may be more socially acceptable, particularly if combined with marriage. Much of the research in the area of teen pregnancy and birth has focused on the long-term costs to teen mothers and their babies, such as chronic unemployment, low-paying jobs, and lack of a high-school diploma. Researchers now recognize that these costs may be incurred by many of these teen mothers even if they had never become pregnant, primarily because many teen mothers come from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds (Hoffman, 1993). Applying rational choice theory to the debate of the cause-effect relationship between poverty and teen pregnancy and birth, Conrad (1996) theorized that "many unmarried teens are having babies as a rational response to prevailing economic conditions - specifically the job market they face." A study analyzing teen pregnancy in England and Wales and the effects of social policy from 1951 to 1992 concluded that education and job opportunities hold more promise for curtailing the birth rate than removal of welfare and housing benefits (Selman, 1994). Leibowitz and colleagues (1986) hypothesized that teens have a high time preference for the present and are less likely to carry a pregnancy to term if they are in high school and earning good grades; Ribar (1994), however, asserts that teen childbearing is an endogenous determinant of high school completion. Other researchers dispute that teenagers make a rational choice about pregnancy and birth. Hymowitz (1994) believes that intact families are an important deterrent to teen pregnancy, and Furstenberg (1990) believes that a live-in father is of particular importance. Other critics cite poor sex education as a primary cause for teen pregnancy (Calderone, 1988). Many analyses use state-level data (Medoff, 1988; Rothstein, 1992) and can thus measure the effects of differing abortion parental involvement laws, government abortion funding, and state welfare and family planning policies. However, for economic and demographic variables such as income level, unemployment rate, minority populations, and population density, the use of state-level data does not recognize substantial differences that may exist in smaller regional areas that could bias the coefficients and significance levels of these state-level determinants. II Model and Estimation This study econometrically analyzes teenage birth rates as both a pooled sample and as an unpooled sample by separating teenagers into two age groups - under eighteen and eighteen to nineteen years old - to determine not only the importance of various predictors on teen birth rates but also to determine whether the effects are statistically significantly different for the two age groups. The independent variables attempt to model both actual and perceived economic environments and opportunities faced by teenagers. The model uses county-level data from one state, which may limit generalizability to some extent. However, the use of county-level data focuses primarily on whether birth rate determinants for the two groups of teens are statistically significantly different, while also attempting to control for the effects of state-level abortion funding policies, state welfare and family planning policies, and abortion parental involvement laws. …

Determinants of Teenage Birth Rates as an Unpooled Sample.: Age Matters for Socioeconomic Predictors

This article explores whether policy endogeneity partially explains the negative relationship generally reported between parentll involvement laws and abortion rates, since parental involvement laws are found to be negatively related to both teen and adult abortion rates. Since parental involvement laws may be more likely to be passed in jurisdictions with a higher level of antiabortion sentiment, both the law and anti-abortion sentiment may be responsible for lower abortion rates. To explore this possible interrelatedness, a religiosity level variable was used as a proxy for anti-abortion sentiment, since anti-abortion sentiment might affect abortion rates directly and indirectly through the greater likelihood of the enactment of parental involvement laws. The relationship of parental involvement laws and religiosity level to abortion rates was analyzed for teens and adults; regressions were estimated for four age groups: 15–19, 20–24, 25–29, and 30–34 years old. Residence county-level 1995 abortion rates were regressed against parental involvement laws and religiosity levels as well as several control county-level variables—restrictive public funding, unemployment rate, population density, percent of college graduates, extent of poverty, percent of married-couple families, and geographic region. The sample consisted of the 1,008 counties from the 17 states that reported abortion numbers by county and by age group. Using log transformations of the dependent variable abortion rates, log-linear weighted regression models were run for the four age groups. Parental involvement laws were highly statistically significantly related (p<0.1) to lower abortion rates for all four age groups; the coefficient was larger, however, when the religiosity level variable was excluded from the model. The coefficient for the religiosity level was highly statistically significant (p<01) for all four age groups when the parental involvement variable was excluded from the model; when the parental involvement variable was included in the model, the coefficient for the religiosity level decreased for all four age groups and was statistically significant for only three of the four age groups. Since the coefficients for both the religiosity level and the parental involvement law decrease when both variables are included, the negative relationship between parental involvement laws and abortion rates does seem to reflect some policy endogeneity so that the reported impact of parental involvement laws may be overstated.

Parental involvement laws, religion, and abortion rates

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