It is ‘the logic of these late-capitalist phenomena’ that Augé attempts to describe. So far, so good, but this is only from Non-places’ back-cover blurb. In fact the book is very disappointing: the author offers a bland narrative of the experience of modern life, for example, on the supermarket: ‘The customer wanders round in silence, reads labels, weighs fruit and vegetables on a machine that gives the price along with the weight, then hands his credit card to a young woman as silent as himself—anyway, not very chatty—who runs each article past the sensor of a decoding machine before checking the validity of the customer’s credit card’ (pp.99–100). He nostalgically contrasts this to some romantic idealization of the (French) past, and mixes it up with what can only be described as pretentious waffle. To be fair, some of the concepts introduced are interesting. Anthropological places are contrasted to spaces; places in turn are contrasted to nonplaces: ‘If a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity will be a nonplace’ (pp.77-78). Modernity is contrasted to supermodernity: it is supermodernity which creates non-places, ‘spaces which are not themselves anthropological places and which, unlike Baudelairean modernity, do not integrate the earlier places...’ (p.78). For example, ‘in the modernity of the Baudelairean landscape ... everything is combined’, the old and new are interwoven; on the other hand, supermodernity ‘makes the old (history) into a specific spectacle, as it does with all exoticism and all local particularity ... in the non-places of supermodernity, there is always a specific position ... for “curiosities” presented as such’ (p.110). It’s true that airports, supermarkets, new housing estates, suburbs and so on are alienating (non-)places—just listen to Strummer’s lyrics to ‘Lost in the Supermarket’ (The Clash, London Calling, 1979); it is also true that we are forced to spend more and more of our lives in such (non-)places. This is why this little book appeared promising. But the concepts Augé employs are hopelessly inadequate to explain the proliferation and character of these ‘late capitalist phenomena’. The definition, cited above, of place vis-à-vis non-place begs the questions: relational to whom?, concerned with whose history?; whose identity? Augé’s point is, of course, that everywhere 144 Capital & Class #60

Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity

The present historical moment may seem a particularly inopportune time to review Bowling Alone, Robert Putnam’s latest exploration of civic decline in America. After all, the outpouring of volunteerism, solidarity, patriotism, and self-sacrifice displayed by Americans in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks appears to fly in the face of Putnam’s central argument: that “ social capital” —defined as “ social networks and the norms of reciprocity and trustworthiness that arise from them” (p. 19) — has declined to dangerously low levels in America over the last three decades. However, Putnam is not fazed in the least by the recent effusion of solidarity. Quite the contrary, he sees in it the potential to “ reverse what has been a 30to 40-year steady decline in most measures of connectedness or community.” As an example of how the current “ war on terrorism” could generate a durable civic renewal, Putnam points to the burst in civic practices that occurred during and after World War II, which he says “ permanently marked” the generation that lived through it and had a “ terrific effect on American public life over the last half-century.” 3 If Americans can follow this example and channel their current civic

Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community

The World Health organization (WHO), established in 1948, is the United Nations system's authority on international public health issues. It assists governments in improving national health services and in establishing worldwide standards for foods, chemicals, and biological and pharmaceutical products. WHO concentrates on preventive rather than curative programs, including efforts to eradicate endemic and other widespread diseases, stabilize population growth, improve nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child care. WHO is not an operational agency. It works through contracts with other agencies and private voluntary organizations.

/pdf/world-health-organization-a-fact-sheet-5gnd9k6aps.pdf

World Health Organization: A Fact Sheet

Contributions by 25 authors purportedly draw together "a wealth of fresh material important to the work of physicians, nurses, social workers, community organizers and social scientists interested in health." However, the volume lacks purposeful integration of its parts and uniformity in presentation. Some chapters are intelligible and interesting to all toward whom the book is oriented, others are written in such sociologically technical language that they hold the interest of only the relatively few familiar with this vocabulary. The practicing physician probably will find only the chapter on "The Addictive Diseases as Socio-Environmental Health Problems" of real worth. The physician interested in the profession's status and problems will find the chapters "Medical Education," "Nursing and Other Health Professions," "The Organization of Medical Practice," and "The Utilization of Health Services" informative but not especially "fresh" or new. This book may well serve as a source book (bibliographies are extensive) for sociologists,

Handbook of Medical Sociology.

1. Preface 2. Appreciation (by Davis, Philip W.) 3. Abbreviations 4. Introduction: Some basic issues in the grammar of causation (by Shibatani, Masayoshi) 5. Cooperation and interpersonal manipulation in the society of intimates (by Givon, T.) 6. Verbs of interpersonal causality and the folk theory of mind and behavior (by Malle, Bertram F.) 7. The causative continuum (by Shibatani, Masayoshi) 8. Causation, constructions, and language ecology: An example from French (by Achard, Michel) 9. Tarascan causatives and event complexity (by Maldonado, Ricardo) 10. Some constraints on Cora causative constructions (by Vazquez Soto, Veronica) 11. Olutec causatives and applicatives (by Zavala, Roberto) 12. On some causative doublets in Classical Nahuatl (by Launey, Michel) 13. The notion of transfer in Sikuani causatives (by Queixalos, Francesc) 14. Causative constructions in Akawaio (by Stefanowitsch, Anatol) 15. Causation in Matses (Panoan, Amazonian Peru) (by Fleck, David W.) 16. Causativization and transitivity in Shipibo-Konibo (by Valenzuela, Pilar M.) 17. Causatives in Asheninka: The case for a sociative source (by Payne, David) 18. Guarani causative constructions (by Velazquez-Castillo, Maura) 19. General index

The grammar of causation and interpersonal manipulation

as, sus continuidades o rupturas, omitiendo las implicaciones de los rituales (y las creencias que éste corporalmente encarna) con la ideología, la legitimación política o el poder y sus estructuras asimétricas. Mi intención, desde el principio explícita, ha sido reconciliar estas tendencias, demostrando la importancia de ambas imbricadas a la hora de una comprensión más cabal de la complejidad que entraña un estudio de este tipo. Por ello he intentado bascular entre lo subjetivo y fenomenológico que en toda creencia y práctica transcendente existe, y sus implicaciones sociales y políticas dentro de un proyecto comunitario con pretensiones de hegemonía. El tipo de agente que los rituales de curación de tipo individual inculcan, así como la objetivación de una visión del mundo concreta que en ellos se lleva a cabo, son movilizados ideológicamente por un régimen político de cara a conseguir una “hegemonía cultural”, según Gramsci, o una “cultura dominante”, en la acepción de Williams (2000), mientras se reproduce como inherente y necesario a la cosmovisión que los mismos rituales manifiestan y ratifican en todos los niveles del sistema. La subjetividad que estos rituales coproducen desde sus primeros horizontes, permite tender nexos entre la culpa individual y el orden social, tal y como Foucault propone para el confesionario (Turner, 1997); en San Pedro, la somatización de ciertas normativas sociales hegemónicas, rastreable hasta la actualidad, aseguró cierta aquiescencia hacia normas y valores sociales beneficiosos para los grupos dominantes y favorecidos por el régimen, evitando la movilidad social o la “intrusión” en roles no asociados a la persona. Dentro de una ontología que parte de la inalterable predestinación social de la persona, no sin cierta semejanza con las castas en el hinduismo (Dumont, 1970), y que augura males físicos y desgracias al que salga de su rol para ocupar o entrometerse en el que no le corresponda, se opera un cierre de ciertos grupos socialmente valorizados y se evita, hasta cierto punto, la movilidad social no deseada. Y es el ritual, en sus primeros niveles, donde se objetivan, corporeizadas, estas creencias subjetivas. El horizonte comunitario lleva todo ello al ámbito público y político, coadyuvando en la reproducción de la hegemonía de un sistema sociopolítico fuertemente vinculado a lo étnico y lo religioso y, por ello mismo, vedado a los que no comparten identidad y creencias. No abundo en todo ello pues ya ha sido sobradamente tratado. Y por supuesto, en este recorrido he entrado en dialogo con dos formas de entender la comunidad: aquélla representada por los comunalistas actuales, que aprecian la comunidad local indígena como alternativa democrática y más igualitaria a las individualistas y utilitaristas sociedades capitalistas neoliberales de hoy en día, cuyo centro ejemplar estaría representado por la ciudad; y aquélla otra que cuestiona esta postura por

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