The Anthropocene names the epoch wherein humans have become the main geological agent on the planet’s surface. But which humans, and since when? Dating the onset of the Anthropocene is a political ...

https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0263775819871964

A date with destiny: Racial capitalism and the beginnings of the Anthropocene

Under the banner of martial empiricism, we advance a distinctive set of theoretical and methodological commitments for the study of war. Previous efforts to wrestle with this most recalcitrant of p...

/pdf/becoming-war-towards-a-martial-empiricism-wrsx7n8t6w.pdf

Becoming war: Towards a martial empiricism:

Ugo Rossi. Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2017. 213 pp., references, index. $64.95 cloth (ISBN 978-0-7456-8966-1), $22.95 paper (ISBN 978-0-7456-8967-8); $18.99 electronic (ISBN 978-0-7456-8970-8).Cities i...

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/2325548X.2018.1402288

Cities in Global Capitalism

Coloniality describes the way in which racialized conceptions of being, personhood, and morality inherent in colonial regimes are maintained long after the formal end of colonial enterprises. Centr...

Time-Space Distanciation as a Decolonizing Framework for Psychology:

Pedriali capitalizes on the ambiguous operations performed in No Man’s Land during the First World War to enter into productive friction with dominant theoretical positions—namely, Agamben’s spatiality of the ban and Butler’s ungrievable lives. No Man’s Land, as Pedriali demonstrates, did not only recruit for war by becoming the spatial pointer for total mobilization. It also reinforced, in the immediate logistics of the frontline, the demarcation between civilizational space (qualified life) and unrestrained devastation (within the enclosure of the ban). As the two sides of No Man’s Land are shown feeding human capital into a shared concentrationary zone of destruction of owned blood, this culling operation on the nation by the nation allows Pedriali to explode two of the core tenets of Agamben’s and Butler’s biopolitics—that bare life is primarily and radically other (other blood), and that it will not be grieved.

Bared and grievable: Theory impossible in No Man's Land

In Wars and Capital, Eric Alliez and Maurizio Lazzarato propose a counterhistory of capitalism to recover the reality of the wars that are inflicted to us and denied to us. We experience not the ideal war of philosophers, but wars of class, race, sex, and gender; wars of civilization and the environment; wars of subjectivity that are raging within populations and that constitute the secret motor of of liberal governmentality. By naming the ennemy (refugees, migrants, Muslims), the new fascisms establish their hegemony on the processes of political subjectivation by reducing them to racist, sexist, and xenophobic slogans, fanning the flames of war among the poor and maintaining the total war philosophy of neoliberalism.
Because war and fascism are the repressed elements of post-'68 thought, Alliez and Lazzarato read not only the history of capital through war but also read war itself through the strange revolution of '68., which made possible the passage from war in the singular to a plurality of wars - and from wars to the construction of new war machines against contemporary financialization. It is a question of pushing '68 thought' beyond its own limits and redirecting it toward a new pragmatic of struggle linked to the continuous war of capital.

Wars and Capital

In the aftermath of the Second World War, revolutionary movements remained dependent on Leninist theories and practices in their attempts to grasp the new relationship between war and capital. Yet these theories and practices failed to address the global “cold civil war” represented by the events of 1968. This article will show that in the 1970s this task was not undertaken by “professional revolutionaries” or in their Maoist discourse of “protracted war” and its “generalized Clauzewitzian strategy.” Rather, the problem was addressed by Michel Foucault, on the one hand, and Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, on the other. Each produced a radical break in the conception of war and of its constitutive relationship with capitalism, taking up the confrontation with Clausewitz to reverse the famous formula such that war was not to be understood as the continuation of politics (which determines its ends). Politics was, on the contrary, to be understood as an element and strategic modality of the whole constituted by war. The ambition of la pensee 68, as represented by Foucault and Deleuze and Guattari, was not to make this reversal into a simple permutation of the formula’s terms, but rather to develop a radical critique of the concepts of “war” and “politics” presupposed by Clausewitz’s formula.

/pdf/clausewitz-and-la-pensee-68-3yyetjvwqa.pdf

Clausewitz and la pensée 68

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Wars and Capital

Clausewitz and la pensée 68