I argue that there is only one true anaphor in natural language, which takes many shapes. Building on the idea that some pronouns are constructed and others are ‘‘natural-born’’ with features, as suggested by Kratzer (2009), I suggest that all nonlocally anteceded bound variable pronouns that are traditionally bound (c-commanded) are the spell-out of a special, but universally available, dependent form, D-bound. The language-specific spell-out of D-bound in phase-internal contexts is responsible for Principle A effects, but not every language imposes phase-internal morphology for binding (thus, Principle A effects are not universal). This approach resolves morphological paradoxes that arise in ellipsis contexts when distance-bound antecedent forms behave as locally bound and vice versa. Finally, the distribution of Principle B and C effects is shown to be a consequence of the distribution of D-bound—the preferred form for anaphoric relations wherever it is available.

One True Anaphor

The topic of this paper is Old English and Old Norwegian noun phrases containing two attributive adjectives. An overview of the frequency of various word order constellations will be given, before we zoom in on one of them, namely the construction Adjective – Adjective – Noun, i.e. noun phrases in which two prenominal adjectives occur next to each other without a coordinating conjunction. Old English and Old Norwegian will be compared with respect to which adjectives occur in this position. The paper also includes an intermezzo, during which we investigate what happens to adjective position when a text is translated from present-day English into Old English.

The very model of a modern linguist — in honor of Helge Dyvik

In this paper, I will argue that obligatory adjuncts in many languages’ middle constructions are a byproduct of an independent constraint on movement, called Anti-locality (Abels 2003; Grohmann 2003; Boskovic 2007; Schneider-Zioga 2007; Erlewine 2016; Brillman & Hirsch to appear). Anti-locality rules out movement that is too local; in other words, movement cannot produce a structure that is too similar to the pre-movement configuration. Though Anti-locality has typically been proposed for Ā-movement, one of its signatures is the presence of obligatory adjuncts (Erlewine 2016; Brillman & Hirsch to appear), which are also found in many languages’ middle constructions. I argue that the profile of obligatory adjuncts in middles is best understood if we extend Anti-locality to A-movement (Deal 2019), thus providing support for the unity of A- and Ā-movement. The proposal will include a tightly restricted set of assumptions about the structure and derivation of a middle, which combined with a formalized Anti-locality constraint, predicts the obligatory adjunct effects we find in different languages’ middle constructions. In particular, middles will be argued to lack a VoiceP and have a two step derivation, in which the object moves through Spec vP en route to subject position. Each movement step will be subject to Anti-locality, which can be ameliorated by adjuncts, reflexives, or lexical structure in the predicates that can form middles.

https://www.glossa-journal.org/article/5310/galley/12894/download/

Facilitator effects in middles and more

This paper provides a morphosyntactic account of particle reduplication in Hungarian, a case of reduplication whose function is to express repetition of events. The most conspicuous property of this process is that it can only apply when the particle is strictly left adjacent to an overt verb. We develop an analysis in terms of a syntactic process that yields a string of doubled particles that do not form a constituent, following the insight of Piñon (1991), and we propose that reduplication targets subwords and derives the facts via a local doubling process. keywords: subword, head movement, ellipsis, doubling, Distributed Morphology

/pdf/hungarian-particle-reduplication-as-local-doubling-2og55573x1.pdf

Hungarian particle reduplication as local doubling

The pseudo-passive is peculiar in that (i) the DP that appears to be the complement of a preposition undergoes passivization, and (ii) it is semantically characterized by the fact that it describes a resultant state or a characteristic of the Theme. The first peculiarity can be explained if the DP is not the complement of P but the complement of the V-P complex. However, the problem with this approach is that V and P cannot form a constituent in the corresponding active. In this paper, however, I propose that we can maintain the V-P complex approach if it is an adjectival passive. The adjectival passive describes a characteristic of the Theme, and it does not necessarily correspond to its active counterpart with regard to the internal argument structure. This suggests that the peculiarities of the pseudo-passive follow if it is an adjectival passive. This paper claims that it is indeed the case. In short, I claim that the passive morpheme in the pseudo-passive is the adjectival passive -en, which is empirically supported by the fact that they display the properties of adjectival passives.

/pdf/pseudo-passives-as-adjectival-passives-2ghamnvmpk.pdf

Pseudo-Passives as Adjectival Passives

We propose a Case-driven account of the “reanalysis” operation assumed by some researchers to underlie pseudopassivization. Contra previous analyses, we argue that reanalyzed prepositions do not form a unit with the verb at any level of representation. Rather, reanalyzed prepositions raise to a v/V-medial Agr head, and the complement of the preposition raises to the specifier of this complex head to receive Case. This places the erstwhile complement in essentially the same structural configuration as an ordinary direct object, so that passivization proceeds normally. Preposition stranding, although it does not require reanalysis as such, is tied to one of the prerequisites for reanalysis: the presence of independent Agr projections. This explains why all languages with pseudopassives also permit preposition stranding. Reanalysis also accounts for certain instances of anaphoric binding in the apparent absence of c-command.

/pdf/reanalysis-is-raising-to-object-2q0s13hdeg.pdf

“Reanalysis” Is Raising to Object†

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“Reanalysis” Is Raising to Object†