Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism

Series Editor's Preface. Introduction by John Breuilly. Acknowledgements. 1. Definitions. State and nation. The nation. 2. Culture in Agrarian Society. Power and culture in the agro-literature society. The varieties of agrarian rulers. 3. Industrial Society. The society of perpetual growth. Social genetics. The age of universal high culture. 4. The Transition to an Age of Nationalism. A note on the weakness of nationalism. Wild and garden culture. 5. What is a Nation. The course of true nationalism never did run smooth. 6. Social Entropy and Equality in Industrial Society. Obstacles to entropy. Fissures and barriers. A diversity of focus. 7. A Typology of Nationalisms. The varieties of nationalist experience. Diaspora nationalism. 8. The Future of Nationalism. Industrial culture - one or many?. 9. Nationalism and Ideology. Who is for Nuremberg?. One nation, one state. 10. Conclusion. What is not being said. Summary. Select bibliography. Bilbliography of Ernest Gellner's writing: Ian Jarvie. Index

Nations and Nationalism

of distinguished and rather senior economists – makes at the end of the book. Their priorities tend to be quick-fixes of problems that might, at least partly, be caused by some other challenge. More importantly, the panellists tend to disregard some of the evidence assembled by the authors. The reactions to the excellent chapter on armed conflict by Collier & Hoeffler illustrate that Nobel awards are no protection against bias. One member of the panel dismisses the economic sources of war that the Oxford economists analyse and points out that free trade is the main pacifying force, while another famous panellist mentions ethnic or religious hatred as a source of conflict. Gerald Schneider

At War’s End: Building Peace After Civil Conflict:

Mark Duffield Cambridge, Polity Press, 2007, 278 pp., including references and index, ISBN 978-0-7456-3580-4 (pbk), £18.99, €25.70 It has become commonplace in academic debate to chart the changing...

Development, Security and Unending War, Governing the World of Peoples

This book argues that political and economic inequalities following group lines generate grievances that in turn can motivate civil war. Lars-Erik Cederman, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and Halvard Buhaug offer a theoretical approach that highlights ethnonationalism and how the relationship between group identities and inequalities are fundamental for successful mobilization to resort to violence. Although previous research highlighted grievances as a key motivation for political violence, contemporary research on civil war has largely dismissed grievances as irrelevant, emphasizing instead the role of opportunities. This book shows that the alleged non-results for grievances in previous research stemmed primarily from atheoretical measures, typically based on individual data. The authors develop new indicators of political and economic exclusion at the group level, and show that these exert strong effects on the risk of civil war. They provide new analyses of the effects of transnational ethnic links and the duration of civil wars, and extended case discussions illustrating causal mechanisms.

/pdf/inequality-grievances-and-civil-war-1gbnx2vshj.pdf

Inequality, Grievances, and Civil War

The importance of economic agendas for civil war formation has attracted attention in some academic circles and led to economic analysis of the causes of civil wars. As a result, the Collier-Hoeffler framework has emerged in the literature that considers rebel economic opportunity to be the main factor causing civil conflict. Although it has been applied to explain conflicts in Africa, the Collier-Hoeffler framework does not provide sufficient tools to analyse the underlying conditions that have led to the major insurgencies in Sudan. This paper argues that it is not principally rebel economic opportunity behind the two southern rebellions and the insurgency in Darfur, but rather socio-economic grievances derived from culturally and regionally imposed political marginalisation, which require broader analysis. This article conducts a historical analysis of the origins of conflict in Southern Sudan and Darfur, which permits a more comprehensive understanding of the emergence of conflict than an analysis based on rebel economic agendas alone.

Grievances and the Roots of Insurgencies: Southern Sudan and Darfur

The United Nations [UN] came into being following the Second World War. Resembling earlier efforts of co-operation by the most powerful states of the international system, it was an attempt to effe...

United Nations Security Council Reform Revisited: A Proposal

espanolEn enero del 2005, el Acuerdo General de Paz (AGP) termino formalmente con la insurgencia en el sur del Sudan, la rebelion a gran escala mas antigua de Africa. No obstante, aunque definia una hoja de ruta para la paz, el AGP, un tratado exclusivo de reparto del poder, presentaba algunos puntos debiles. Durante el periodo de aplicacion del AGP (2005-2011) hubo una intervencion exterior sin precedentes en Sudan del Sur, con el acento en la consolidacion sostenible de la ‘paz a traves de la construccion de Estado’. Este compromiso permanente con la construccion de la paz se vio socavado por las contradicciones entre su enfoque restringido a la construccion de Estado y el contexto local politico, economico y social en Sudan y Sudan del Sur, incluso despues de que el Sudan del Sur fuera declarado un estado independiente en julio del 2011. Este articulo postula que, durante el periodo de aplicacion del AGP, el enfoque de la ‘paz a traves de la construccion de Estado’ impuesto externamente en Sudan del Sur se vio afectado por varias limitaciones que se vieron reflejadas en la gobernanza y en el desarrollo economico. A partir de las pruebas recogidas entre el 2005 y el 2011, este articulo insta a una reorientacion tanto de la intervencion externa continua de construccion de la paz como del enfoque del gobierno de Sudan del Sur a la gobernanza y al desarrollo para superar asi los retos politicos, economicos y sociales para la legitimidad y la consolidacion del Estado. EnglishIn January 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) formally ended the insurgency in southern Sudan, the longest-running large-scale rebellion in Africa at the time. However, although providing a roadmap for peace, the CPA, an exclusive power-sharing treaty, suffered from a number of weaknesses. The CPA implementation period (2005-2011) saw an unprecedented external intervention in Southern Sudan, which emphasised constructing sustainable ‘peace through statebuilding’. This ongoing peacebuilding engagement was undermined by contradictions between its narrow focus on statebuilding and the local political, economic and social context in Sudan and Southern Sudan, even after South Sudan was declared an independent state in July 2011. This article posits that the externally imposed ‘peace through statebuilding’ approach in Southern Sudan during the period of CPA implementation, suffered from a number of limitations which were reflected in governance and economic development. Based on evidence from 2005-2011, it calls for a re-focus of both the continuing external peacebuilding intervention and the Government of South Sudan’s approach to governance and development to overcome political, economic and social challenges to state legitimacy and consolidation. catalaEl gener del 2005, l’Acord general de pau (AGP) va posar fi formalment a la insurreccio al sud del Sudan, la rebel·lio a gran escala mes antiga d’Africa. No obstant aixo, tot i que definia un full de ruta per a la pau, l’AGP, que era un tractat exclusiu de repartiment del poder, presentava alguns punts debils. Durant el periode d’aplicacio de l’AGP (2005-2011) hi va haver una intervencio exterior sense precedents al Sudan del Sud que va posar l’accent en la consolidacio sostenible de la “pau a traves de la construccio d’estat”. Aquest compromis permanent amb la construccio de la pau es va veure afectat per les contradiccions entre el seu enfocament restringit a la construccio d’estat i el context local politic, economic i social al Sudan i al Sudan del Sud, tambe despres que el Sudan del Sud fos declarat un estat independent el juliol del 2011. Aquest article postula que, durant el periode d’aplicacio de l’AGP, l’enfocament de la “pau a traves de la construccio d’estat” imposat externament al Sudan del Sud es va veure afectat per diverses limitacions que es van reflectir en la governanca i en el desenvolupament economic. A partir de les proves recollides entre el 2005 i el 2011, aquest article insta a una reorientacio tant de la intervencio externa continua de construccio de la pau com de l’enfocament del govern del Sudan del Sud a la governanca i al desenvolupament per a superar aixi els reptes politics, economics i socials per a la legitimitat i la consolidacio de l’Estat.

https://dialnet.unirioja.es/descarga/articulo/5589745.pdf

Limits of 'Peace through Statebuilding' in Southern Sudan: Challenges to State Legitimacy, Governance and Economic Development during the Comprehensive Peace Agreement Implementation, 2005-2011

During 1983-2005 Sudan hosted one of Africa’s longest insurgencies. Throughout the conflict a number of competing peace initiatives coincided, but a process under the mediation authority of the Inter-Governmental Authority forDevelopment (IGAD) prevailed. However, although initiated in 1993, the IGAD process only accelerated after the September 2001 attacks on the United States (US) and was consequently finalised through the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in less than four years’ time. Although it was presented as IGAD’s success as a conflict resolution body, in reality the organisation’s role in the making of peace in Sudan was to a large extent conditioned by the involvement of a narrow selection of Western stakeholders. This article examines the IGAD peace process in Sudan, highlighting the dynamics and relative roles of the principal actors involved. It argues that although the negotiations were portrayed as inherently sub-regional, and adhering to the idea of ‘African solutions for African problems’, a closer analysis reveals that the peace process was dominated by external protagonists. This resulted in the interests of Western actors, particularly the US, playing a prominent role in the negotiated agreement, consequences of which are currently experienced both in Sudan and South Sudan.

/pdf/security-regionalism-and-flaws-of-externally-forged-peace-in-4a6omwe8ta.pdf

Security regionalism and flaws of externally forged peace in Sudan: The IGAD peace process and its aftermath

Beyond History: African Agency in Development, Diplomacy, and Conflict Resolution

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