This paper critically evaluates the ways in which Southern development actors, such as India and China, discursively construct the ‘aid’ element of South–South development cooperation. It draws upon gift theory, something that has previously been confined to analyses of Western foreign aid. Four characteristic features of the symbolic regime of South–South development cooperation are identified: the assertion of a shared ‘developing country’ identity; expertise in appropriate development; rejection of hierarchical ‘donor–recipient’ relations; and an insistence on mutual opportunity. All of these set up the positive moral valence of reciprocity, something that stands in contrast to the hegemonic public construction (if not the reality) of Western foreign aid as unreciprocated charity to the less fortunate. The paper then examines what this symbolic regime might seek to ‘euphemise’ or obscure in the realpolitik of South–South relations, including inattention to the contested sub-national politics of ‘development’, and the growing differences amongst the G77 nations. The paper is concerned with the ways in which Southern development actors represent a challenge to the dominant aid paradigm, transgressing dominant cultural categories and social hierarchies of who gives and who receives; but it refuses to take claims of South–South solidarity and mutual benefit at face value. It concludes with some brief reflections on the implications of the emerging visibility and power of the Southern development partners for critical ‘development’ geography.

The changing geographies of foreign aid and development cooperation: contributions from gift theory

1. The many uses of foreign aid 2. One policy, multiple goals: framing and foreign aid 3. Debates about aid: contents and patterns 4. Aid frames: origins and evolution 5. The administration of aid policy 6. The generosity contest: determinants of aid volume 7. The popularity contest: selecting the recipients of aid 8. Conclusion: frames and policy Appendix A. Legislative debates coded Appendix B. Debate coding examples Appendix C. Aid allocation: data and sources.

/pdf/ideas-interests-and-foreign-aid-240cvr21ls.pdf

Ideas, Interests and Foreign Aid

Post-acute sequelae of COVID-19: understanding and addressing the burden of multisystem manifestations.

There have been a number of articles about ASEAN's centrality in the regional security architecture of Asia. Yet, the notion of centrality remains undefined and under-operationalised. Implicit in the discourses of centrality is the idea of ASEAN's leadership, which in turn raises questions about ASEAN's ability to do so, given its limited capacity. This article defines ASEAN's centrality from the perspective of social network approach and argues that ASEAN's structural position in the density of networks that it has established and those that it has linkages with explains ASEAN's centrality. Despite its lack of material power, ASEAN has been able to claim centrality because of its position as a node in a cluster of networks, and this condition of ‘high betweenness’ allows ASEAN to exercise influence in regional processes with the tacit acceptance of major powers. However, while centrality may have been achieved, maintaining centrality in a rapidly changing regional environment compels ASEAN to add...

/pdf/understanding-asean-s-centrality-bases-and-prospects-in-an-2n1j0butcv.pdf

Understanding ASEAN's centrality: bases and prospects in an evolving regional architecture

Importance
The longer-term effects of therapies for the treatment of critically ill patients with COVID-19 are unknown.


Objective
To determine the effect of multiple interventions for critically ill adults with COVID-19 on longer-term outcomes.


Design, Setting, and Participants
Prespecified secondary analysis of an ongoing adaptive platform trial (REMAP-CAP) testing interventions within multiple therapeutic domains in which 4869 critically ill adult patients with COVID-19 were enrolled between March 9, 2020, and June 22, 2021, from 197 sites in 14 countries. The final 180-day follow-up was completed on March 2, 2022.


Interventions
Patients were randomized to receive 1 or more interventions within 6 treatment domains: immune modulators (n = 2274), convalescent plasma (n = 2011), antiplatelet therapy (n = 1557), anticoagulation (n = 1033), antivirals (n = 726), and corticosteroids (n = 401).


Main Outcomes and Measures
The main outcome was survival through day 180, analyzed using a bayesian piecewise exponential model. A hazard ratio (HR) less than 1 represented improved survival (superiority), while an HR greater than 1 represented worsened survival (harm); futility was represented by a relative improvement less than 20% in outcome, shown by an HR greater than 0.83.


Results
Among 4869 randomized patients (mean age, 59.3 years; 1537 [32.1%] women), 4107 (84.3%) had known vital status and 2590 (63.1%) were alive at day 180. IL-6 receptor antagonists had a greater than 99.9% probability of improving 6-month survival (adjusted HR, 0.74 [95% credible interval {CrI}, 0.61-0.90]) and antiplatelet agents had a 95% probability of improving 6-month survival (adjusted HR, 0.85 [95% CrI, 0.71-1.03]) compared with the control, while the probability of trial-defined statistical futility (HR >0.83) was high for therapeutic anticoagulation (99.9%; HR, 1.13 [95% CrI, 0.93-1.42]), convalescent plasma (99.2%; HR, 0.99 [95% CrI, 0.86-1.14]), and lopinavir-ritonavir (96.6%; HR, 1.06 [95% CrI, 0.82-1.38]) and the probabilities of harm from hydroxychloroquine (96.9%; HR, 1.51 [95% CrI, 0.98-2.29]) and the combination of lopinavir-ritonavir and hydroxychloroquine (96.8%; HR, 1.61 [95% CrI, 0.97-2.67]) were high. The corticosteroid domain was stopped early prior to reaching a predefined statistical trigger; there was a 57.1% to 61.6% probability of improving 6-month survival across varying hydrocortisone dosing strategies.


Conclusions and Relevance
Among critically ill patients with COVID-19 randomized to receive 1 or more therapeutic interventions, treatment with an IL-6 receptor antagonist had a greater than 99.9% probability of improved 180-day mortality compared with patients randomized to the control, and treatment with an antiplatelet had a 95.0% probability of improved 180-day mortality compared with patients randomized to the control. Overall, when considered with previously reported short-term results, the findings indicate that initial in-hospital treatment effects were consistent for most therapies through 6 months.

Long-term (180-Day) Outcomes in Critically Ill Patients With COVID-19 in the REMAP-CAP Randomized Clinical Trial.

1. The Philosophy of Japan's Foreign Aid 2. Aid at Home: Public Response and Pressure Groups 3. The Real Challenge: Reforming Japan's Aid Administration 4. Policy Innovation in Japanese Aid 5. Ties that Bind: Japanese Aid and Asia 6. Japan and Foreign Aid Leadership

Japan's foreign aid challenge : policy reform and aid leadership

List of Illustrations Notes on Contributors Preface and acknowledgments 1 Introduction Part I: Donor Viewpoints 2 The World Bank, Japan, and Aid Effectiveness Kevin Morrison 3 Japanese and British Overseas Aid Compared David Seddon 4 Swedish Perceptions of Japanese ODA Marie Soderberg 5 An Overview of Japanese ODA to Latin America: Comparative Observations on Social Development Initiatives Kay Warren 6 Japanese and Australian ODA Alan Rix 7 Japan's and the United States' Bilateral ODA Programs David Arase 8 Japanese ODA compared to Canadian ODA Micheline Beaudry-Somcynsky 9 ODA Policy and Practice: Japan and the Republic of Korea Sang-Tae Kim & David Seddon Part II: Recipient Viewpoints 10 Japanese Aid to Pakistan Tahir Andrabi 11 Japanese Aid to China: A Comparison of ODA from Japan and Europe Shaokui Feng 12 Japanese Aid to South and Southeast Asia: A Comparative Analysis Haider Khan 13 Japan's ODA in the Pacific Island States Sandra Tarte 14 ODA from Japan and Other Donors in Thailand Anuman Leelasorn 15 Conclusion David Arase Notes Bibliography Index

Japan's Foreign Aid: Old Continuities and New Directions

TN 1989 Japan was set to become the largest donor of foreign aid within the OECD's (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) Development Assistance Committee (DAC). An expenditure of US$9,134 million in 1988 was a substantial achievement, sinceJapan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) was only US$2,600 million in 1979 and Japan was then regarded as ajunior player in the aid stakes. Such a change in Japan's status as an aid donor brings with it a change in international expectations ofJapan regarding its responsibilities to the international aid community, especially in terms of its donor policies, and its responsibilities to the international financial institutions and to the recipient nations themselves. Japan's aid activities have, over the years, attracted much comment. Approval from other donors is now strong' but criticism is still commonly heard, particularly with regard to the quality of aid. This paper is concerned withJapan's actions as a donor, and whetherJapan has been able to show "leadership" in aid policy. HasJapan taken positive initiatives in aid? Has Japan helped shape international aid policy? Is Japan already considered a "leader" in the foreign aid field?

Japan's foreign aid policy : a capacity for leadership?

1. The First Political Links: Resolving Wartime Issues 2. Issues and Styles: Prime Ministers and Dimplomacy 3. Resolving Disputes: Some Key Australia-Japan Negotiations 4. The Machinery of Dimplomacy: Managing the Relationship 5. The Pressure of Public Opinion: The Japanese Presence and the Public Debate 6. Australia, Japan and International Cooperation 7. Keeping the Region Safe: Defence and Security in the Australia-Japan Relationship Conclusion: Perfect Partners?

The Australia-Japan Political Alignment : 1952 to the Present

IntroductionThe trade relationship between Australia and Japan in the mid-1980s is rich andnhttps://espace.library.uq.edu.au/js/fckeditor/editor/images/spacer.gifcomplex, representing 40 years of close, largely cooperative and generallynbeneficial postwar economic exchange. Japan is Australia's most importantntrading partner, several Australian States depend on trade with Japan to supportntheir major industries, and Japan's rapid economic growth in the 1960s led to anboom in Australia-Japan trade, principally in mineral ores. This trade isnmutually important; Australia has been, since before World War II, a vitalnsupplier of resources to Japan -- initially wool, later coal and iron ore, and othernmetals and ores. The growth and prosperity of many Japanese industries havenrelied heavily on the reliable and stable supply of low-cost and high-quality rawnmaterials from Australia.The bilateral trade relationship was founded on strong and clear comparativenadvantage, Australia primarily the supplier of food and resources, and Japan thenprocessor and manufacturer. Steadily growing goodwill between business andngovernments was also important: for a decade after the war official attitudes innAustralia still reflected wartime enmities, but thereafter an infrastructure ofnpolitical cooperation and ideological compatibility developed that still stands innthe 1980s.This book will examine how trade with Japan re-emerged from the disruptionnand hatred of the war years to become a burgeoning force in cementing bilateralnrelations. How were the barriers bridged and ties re-established after then1941-45 war intervened in Australia-Japan trade? What mechanisms werenresponsible for re-establishing trade links? Why did Australia take until 1957 tonagree to formal trade arrangements with Japan, when from the very beginningnof the peace Japan was wanting Australian wool and Australia was wantingnJapanese silk and other goods? How did a trade policy towards Japan developnindependently of Great Britain, when Australia was all along linked to Britainnfinancially through sterling and to sterling area approaches to internationalntrade?How did Australia adjust to the needs of the American-controlled Occupationnof Japan? How was Australia influenced by the difficult mixture in the earlynpostwar world of pressures for liberalisation and reform in the internationalneconomy, contrasted with restrictions and controls placed by many countries (such as Australia) on trade relations with Japan? What brought the AustraliannGovernment to the point of agreeing to deal constructively with Japan, and tondismantle trade barriers? Why did Japan have a vital interest in trying to makenAustralia change its policies? n

Coming to Terms: The Politics of Australia's Trade With Japan 1945-57

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